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6 I\HAI 













INTRODUCTION ....... vii 




V. FINANCIAL TROUBLES . . . . . .129 

VI. THE JEWISH QUESTION . . . . . .143 



IX. THE ARMY ........ 250 



EPILOGUE . . 355 


Volk und Knecht und Ueberwinder, 
Sie gestehn zu jeder Zeit ; 
Hochstes Gliick der Erdenkinder 
Sey nur die Personlichkeit. 

GOETHE (West-Oestlicher Divan). 

IT is said to have been a chance occasion which 
gave the first impetus towards the compilation of 
the German original * from which these " Reminis- 
cences of the King of Roumania have been re- 
edited and abridged." One day an enterprising 
man of letters applied to one who had followed 
the King's career for years with vivid interest : 
" The public of a country extending from the Alps 
to the ocean is eager to know something about 
Roumania and her Hohenzollern ruler." The 
King, without whose consent little or nothing 
could have been done, thought the matter over 
carefully ; in fact, he weighed it in his mind for 
several years before coming to a final decision. 

* " Aus dem Leben Konig Karls von Rumanien. Aufzeich- 
nungen eines Augenzeugen." Stuttgart : Verlag der J. G. 
Cotta'schen Buchhandlung. 


At first his natural antipathy to being talked 
about even in praise (to criticism he had ever 
been indifferent) made him reluctant to provide 
printed matter for public comment. On the 
other hand, he had long been most anxious that 
Roumania should attract more public attention 
than the world had hitherto bestowed on her. 
In an age of universal trade competition and self- 
advertisement, for a country to be talked about 
possibly meant attracting capitalists and opening 
up markets : things which might add materially 
to her prosperity. With such possibilities in 
view, the King's own personal taste or scruples 
were of secondary moment to him. So the idea 
first suggested by a stranger gradually took shape 
in his mind, and with it the desire to see placed 
before his own subjects a truthful record of what 
had been achieved in Roumania in his own time. 
By these means he hoped to give his people an 
instructive synopsis of the difficulties which had 
been successfully overcome in the task of creating 
practical institutions out of chaos. 

As so often happens in such cases, the work 
grew beyond the limits originally entertained. 
But the task was no easy one, and involved the 
labour of several years. However, the result 
achieved is well worth the trouble, for it is 
an historical document of exceptional political 
interest, containing, among other material, im- 
portant letters from Prince Bismarck, the Emperor 


William, the Emperor Frederick, the Czar of 
Russia, Queen Victoria, and Napoleon III. It 
is, in fact, a piece of work which a politician 
must consult unless he is to remain in the dark 
concerning much of moment in the political history 
of our time, and particularly in the history of the 
Eastern Question. " The Reminiscences of the 
King of Roumania " constitute an important page 
in the story of European progress. Nor is this 
all. They also contain a study in self-revelation 
which, so far as it belongs to a regal character, 
is absolutely unique in its completeness even in 
an age so rich in sensational memoirs as our own. 
The subject-matter deals with a period of over 
twenty-five years in the life of a young European 
nation, in the course of which she gained her 
independence and strove successfully to retain it, 
whilst more than trebling her resources in peaceful 
work. In this eventful period greater changes 
have taken place in the balance of power in 
Europe than in many preceding centuries. A 
republic has replaced a monarchy in France, and 
also on the other side of the Atlantic, in Brazil, 
since the days when a young captain of a Prussian 
guard regiment, a scion of the House of Hohen- 
zollern, set himself single-handed the Sisyphean 
task of establishing a constitutional repre- 
sentative monarchy on a soil where hitherto 
periodical conspiracies and revolts had run riot 
luxuriously. Just here, however, our democratic 


age has witnessed the realisation of the problem 
treated by Macchiavelli in " II Principe " the 
self-education of a prince. 

To-day, the man who thirty-three years ago 
came down the Danube as a perfect stranger 
practically alone, without tried councillors or 
adherents is to all intents and purposes the 
omnipotent ruler of a country which owes its 
independence and present position entirely to his 
statesmanship. Nor can there be much doubt that 
but for him Roumania and the Lower Danube 
might be now little more than a name to the rest 
of Europe as, indeed, they were in the past. 


King Charles of Roumania is the second son of 
the late Prince Charles Anthony* of Hohen- 
zollern-Sigmaringen : the elder South German 
Roman Catholic branch of the House of Hohen- 
zollern, of which the German Emperor is the 
chief. Until the year 1849 the Hohenzollern- 
Sigmaringens, whose dominions are situated 
between Wiirttemberg and Baden, near the spot 
where the Danube rises in the Black Forest, 
possessed full sovereign rights as the head of one 
of the independent principalities of the German 
Confederation. These sovereign rights of his 

* This Prince always wrote his name Karl Anton, as a 
double name : hence the retention here. 


own and his descendants Prince Charles Anthony 
formally and voluntarily ceded to Prussia on 
December 7, 1849. Of him we are credibly 
informed : 

" Prince Charles Anthony lives in the history 
of the German people as a man of liberal thought 
and high character, who of his own free will gave 
up his sovereign prerogative for the sake of the 
cause of German Unity. His memory is green in 
the hearts of his children as the ideal of a father, 
who for all his strictness and discipline was 
riot feared, but ever loved and honoured, by his 
family. He was always the best friend and 
adviser of his grown-up sons." His letters to his 
son Charles, which are frequently quoted in the 
present memoir, fully bear out this testimony to 
the Prince's intimate, almost ideal, relationship 
with his children, as also to the magnanimity 
with which he is universally credited. 

Of the King's mother Princess Josephine of 
Baden we learn : " Princess Josephine was 
deeply religious without being in the least 
bigoted. Her unselfishness earned for her the 
love and devotion of all those who knew her. As 
a wife and a mother her life was one of excep- 
tional harmony and happiness. The great defer- 
ence which King Charles has always shown to the 
other sex has its source in the veneration which 
he felt for his mother." 

Prince Charles was born on April 20, 1839, 


at the ancestral castle of the Hohenzollerns at 
Sigmaringen on the Danube, then ruled over by 
his grandfather, the reigning Prince Charles of 
Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. The castle was not 
in those days the treasury of art and history 
which it is at the present day. The grand- 
fatherly regime was of a patriarchal, almost 
despotic kind : every detail of household affairs 
was regulated with a view to strict economy. 
Though, perhaps, unpleasant at times, all this 
proved to be invaluable training for the young 
Prince, whose ultimate destiny it was to rule over 
one of the most extravagant peoples in Europe. 
Punctuality was strictly enforced : at nine o'clock 
the old Prince wound up his watch as a sign that 
the day was over, and at ten darkness and silence 
reigned supreme over the household. 

Prince Charles was a delicate child, and was 
considered so throughout his early manhood, 
though in reality his health and bodily powers 
left little to be desired. The first happy years of 
his childhood were passed at Sigmaringen and the 
summer residences of Inzigkofen and Krauchen- 
wies. This peaceful life was broken by a visit in 
1846 to his maternal grandmother, the Grand 
Duchess Stephanie of Baden. On this occasion 
Prince Charles attracted the attention and 
interest of Mme. Hortense Cornu, the intimate 
friend and confidant of Prince Louis Napoleon 
later Napoleon III. 


It cannot be said that the young Prince pro- 
gressed very rapidly in his studies ; but though 
he learned slowly, his memory proved most 
retentive. His naturally independent and strong 
character, moreover, prevented him from adopting 
outside opinions too readily, and this trait he 
retained in after years. For though as King of 
Roumania he is ever willing to listen to the 
opinion of others, the decision invariably remains 
in his own hands. 

An exciting period supervened for the little 
South German Principality with the year 1848, 
when the revolutionary wave forced the old 
Prince to abdicate in favour of his son Prince 
Charles Anthony. Owing to the action of a 
" Committee of Public Safety," the Hohenzollern 
family quitted Sigmaringen on September 27. 
This the children used to call the "first flight" 
in contradistinction to the " second," some seven 
months later. Though Prince Charles Anthony 
succeeded in gaining the upper hand over the 
revolutionary movement of '48, the trouble com- 
menced again in 1849 owing to the insurrection 
in the Grand Duchy of Baden. As soon as order 
had been completely restored, Prince Charles 
Anthony carried out his long-cherished plan of 
transferring the sovereignty of the Hohenzollern 
Principality to the King of Prussia, and in a fare- 
well speech he declared his sole reason to be " the 
desire to promote the unity, greatness, and power 


of the German people." The family settled first 
at Neisse in Prussian Silesia, then at Diisseldorf, 
as Prince Charles Anthony was appointed to the 
command of the Fourteenth Military Division, 
while Prince Charles Anthony, and later on also 
his brother Friedrich, were settled with their 
tutor in Dresden, where Prince Charles spent 
seven years. 

Before joining his parents at Diisseldorf, Prince 
Charles successfully passed his ensign's examina- 
tion, though he was entitled as a Prince of the 
House of Hohenzollern to claim his commission 
without submitting to this test. As a reward for 
his success he was permitted to make a tour 
through Switzerland and Upper Italy before 
being placed under his previously appointed mili- 
tary governor, Captain von Hagens. This officer 
was a man in every way fitted to instruct and 
prepare the young Prince for his career by de- 
veloping his powers of initiative and independence 
of action. In accordance with his expressed wish, 
he was gazetted Second Lieutenant in the Prus- 
sian Artillery of the Guard, but was not required 
to join his corps until his studies were completed. 
A thorough knowledge of the practical part of his 
profession was acquired at the fortress of Jiilich, 
followed, after a visit to the celebrated Krupp 
Works at Essen, by a course of instruction at 

The betrothal of his sister, Princess Stephanie, 


to King Pedro V. of Portugal, in the autumn of 
1857, was followed by her marriage by proxy at 
Berlin on April 29, 1858, whilst another important 
family event occurred in November of the same 
year. William, Prince of Pussia (afterwards King 
William I., who had assumed the regency during 
the illness of his brother the King, Frederick 
William IV.), appointed Prince Charles Anthony, 
of Hohenzollern, to the Presidency of the Prussian 
Ministry. His son Charles developed the greatest 
interest in politics, and at that time unconsciously 
acquired a fund of diplomatic knowledge and ex- 
perience which was to stand him in good stead in 
his future career. 

In the midst of the gaieties of Berlin the Prince 
was deeply aifected by the melancholy news of the 
death of his sister Stephanie on July 17, 1859. 
Two years later the marriage of his brother 
Leopold to the Infanta Antoinette of Portugal 
afforded him a welcome opportunity of visiting 
the last resting-place of his dearly loved sister 
near Lisbon. On his return from his journey, 
Prince Charles requested to be transferred to an 
Hussar Regiment, as the artillery did not appear 
at that time to take that place in public estima- 
tion to which it was entitled. This application, 
however, was postponed until his return from a 
long tour through the South of France, Algiers, 
C4ibraltar, Spain, and Paris. After a short stay 
at the University of Bonn, Prince Charles again 


resumed military duty as First Lieutenant in the 
Second Dragoon Guards stationed at Berlin, where 
he speedily regained the position he had formerly 
held in the society of the capital. The Royal 
Family, especially the Crown Prince, welcomed 
their South German relative most warmly, and 
the friendship thus created was subsequently 
more than equal to the test of time and 

A second visit to the Imperial Court of France in 
1863, this time at the invitation of Napoleon III., 
was intended by the latter to culminate in a 
betrothal to a Princess of his House, but the pro- 
ject fell through, as the proposed conditions did 
not find favour with the King of Prussia. Prince 
Charles was forced to content himself with the 
consolation offered by King William, that he 
would soon forget the fair lady amidst the scenes 
of war (in Denmark). As orderly officer to his 
friend the Crown Prince of Prussia, Prince 
Charles took part in the siege and assault of the 
Dtippel entrenchments, the capture of Fridericia, 
and the invasion of Jutland. The experience he 
gained of war and camp-life during this period 
was of inestimable benefit to the young soldier, 
who was afterwards called upon to achieve the 
independence of Roumania on the battlefields of 

The war of 1864 having come to an end, Prince 
Charles returned to the somewhat dreary mono- 


tony of garrison life in Berlin. This not un- 
naturally soon gave rise to a feeling of ennui and 
a consequent longing on his part for more absorb- 
ing work than that of mere subordinate military 
routine. Nothing then indicated, however, that 
in a short time he would step from such compara- 
tive obscurity to the wide field of European politics 
by the acceptance of a hazardous, though pre- 
eminently honourable, position of the utmost 
importance in Eastern Europe the throne of 
the United Principalities of Wallachia and Mol- 
davia, which, thanks to his untiring exertions 
and devotion to duty, are now known as the 
Kingdom of Roumania. 


In starting on his adventurous, not to say 
perilous, experiment, Prince Charles already pos- 
sessed plenty of valuable capital to draw upon. 
In the first place, few princes to whose lot it has 
fallen to sway the destinies of a nation have 
received an early training so well adapted to their 
future vocation, or have been so auspiciously 
endowed by nature with qualities which in 
this instance may fairly be said to have been 
directly inherited from his parents. His early 
and most impressionable years had been passed in 
the bosom of an ideally happy and plain-living 
family, and this in itself was one of the strongest 



of guarantees for harmonious development and for 
future happiness in life. Both his father and 
mother had earnestly striven to instil into their 
children the difference between the outward 
aspect and the true inwardness of things the 
very essence of training for princes no less than 
for those of humbler rank. Also we find the 
following significant reference to the Prince and 
his feelings on the threshold of his career : 

" The stiff and antiquated ' Junker ' spirit which 
in those days was so prevalent in Prussia and 
Berlin, and more particularly at the Prussian 
Court, was most repugnant to him. His nature 
was too simple, too genuine, for him to take 
kindly to this hollow assumption, this clinging to 
old-fashioned empty formula. His training had 
been too truly aristocratic for him not to be 
deeply imbued with simplicity and spontaneity in 
all his impulses. His instincts taught him to 
value the inwardness of things above their out- 
ward appearance." 

Nor was it long before he had ample oppor- 
tunity of putting these precepts into practice. 
Neither as Prince nor as King has the Sovereign 
of Roumania ever permitted prosecution for per- 
sonal attacks upon himself. The crime of lese 
majeste has no existence or, to say the least, is 
in permanent abeyance in Roumania. 

Anti-dynastic newspapers have for years per- 
sisted in their attacks upon the King, his policy, 


and his person sometimes in the most audacious 
manner. Although his Ministers have from time 
to time strenuously urged his Majesty to authorise 
the prosecution of these offenders, he has never 
consented to this course. He even refused to- 
prosecute those who attacked his consort, holding 
that the Queen is part of himself, and, like him- 
self, must be above taking notice of insults, and 
must bear the penalty of being misunderstood, or 
even calumniated, and trust confidently to the 
unerring justice of time for vindication. 

The King's equable temperament has enabled 
him to take an even higher flight. For let us not 
forget that it is possible to be lenient, even for- 
giving, in the face of calumny, and yet to suffer 
agonies of torture in the task of repressing our 
wounded feelings. King Charles is said to have 
read many scurrilous pamphlets and papers 
directed against him and his dynasty for singu- 
larly atrocious examples have been ready to his 
hand and to have been able sometimes even to 
discover a fund of humour in the more fantastic 
perversions of truth which they contained. 

Speaking of one of the most outrageous per- 
sonal attacks ever perpetrated upon him, he is 
reported to have said that such things could not 
touch or affect him that he stood beyond their 
reach. Here the words employed by Goethe 
regarding his deceased friend Schiller might well 
be applied : 


Und hinter ihm im wesenlosen Scheine 
Lag, was uns Alle bandigt : das Gemeine. 

His absolute indifference towards calumny is 
doubtless due to his conviction that time will do 
him justice that a ruler must take his own 
course, and that the final estimate is always that 
of posterity. 


One who for years has lived in close contact with 
the Roumanian royal family gives the following 
sympathetic and yet obviously sincere description 
of the personal impression the King creates : 

" King Charles had attained his fiftieth year 
when I saw him for the first time. There is, per- 
haps, no other stage of life at which a man is so 
truly his full self as just this particular age. 
The physical development of a man of fifty is 
long completed, whereas on the other hand he 
has not yet suffered any diminution of strength 
or elasticity. His spiritual individuality is also 
ripe and complete, in so far as any full, deep 
nature can ever be said to have completed its 
development. It is only consonant with that 
true nobility which precludes every effect bor- 
rowed or based on calculation, that the first 
impression the King makes upon the stranger is 
not a striking one : he is too distinguished to 
attract attention ; too genuine to create an effect 


for the eye of the many. An artist might admire 
the handsome features ; but the King lacks the 
tall figure, the impressive mien which is the attri- 
bute of the hero of romance, and which excites 
the enthusiasm of the crowd. On the other hand, 
his slender figure of medium height is elegant 
and well knit ; his gait is energetic and graceful. 
His sea-blue eyes, which lie deep beneath strong 
black eyebrows meeting right across his aquiline 
nose now and then take a restless roving ex- 
pression. They are those of an eagle, a trite 
comparison which has often been made before. 
Moreover, their keenness and their great reach of 
sight justifies an affinity with the king of birds." 
It is not generally known but it is true, 
nevertheless that the King of Roumania is half 
French by descent. His grandmother on his 
father's side was a Princess Murat, and his 
maternal grandmother, as already mentioned, was 
a French lady well known to history as Stephanie 
Beauharnais, the adopted daughter of the first 
Napoleon, and later, by her marriage, Princess 
Stephanie of Baden. It is to this combination in 
his ancestry that people have been wont to 
ascribe some of the marked characteristics of the 
King. His personal appearance notably the 
fine clear-cut profile undoubtedly recalls the 
typical features of the old French nobility. Also 
the slight, symmetrical, and graceful figure is 
rather French Beauharnais than German Hohen- 


zollern. His gift for repartee I'esprit du moment, 
as it is so aptly styled is decidedly French ; and 
perhaps not less so his sanguine temperament, 
which has stood him in such good stead, and 
encouraged him not to lose heart in the midst 
of his greatest troubles, particularly years ago, 
when his subjects did not know and value him as 
they do now. An abnormal capacity for work and 
an absolute indifference towards every form of 
material enjoyment or gratification of the senses 
have also singularly fitted him for what pos- 
terity will probably deem to have been King- 
Charles's most striking vocation : that of the 
politician. And his success as a politician is all 
the more remarkable, since his youthful training 
as well as his early tastes were almost exclusively 
those of the Prussian soldier. He even lacked 
the study of law and bureaucratic administration, 
which are commonly held to be the necessary 
groundwork of a political career. Yet not an 
atom of German dreaminess is to be detected 
in him ; nor aught of roughness : little of the 
insensible hardness of iron ; but rather some- 
thing of the fine temper of steel the elasticity 
of a well-forged blade which, though it will 
show the slightest breath of damp, and bend at 
times, yet flies back rigid to the straight line. 
Thus I am assured is King Charles as a politician 
not to be swayed or tampered with by influ- 
ences of any kind, the sober moderation of an 


independent judgment has, in fact, never deserted 
him. It is also owing to a felicitous tempera- 
ment that he has always been able to encounter 
opposition even bitter enmity without feeling 
its effect in a way common to average mankind. 

He had to begin by acquiring the difficult art 
of " taking people," and this as the King him- 
self admits he only acquired gradually. How- 
ever, he possessed an inborn genius for the 
business of ruler. By nature he is a practical 
realist whose insatiable appetite for facts, faits 
politiques, crowds out most other interests. So 
he quickly profited by experience, which, added to 
an independence of judgment which he always 
possessed, has made him an opportunist whose 
opportunity always means the welfare of his 
country. In dealing with public questions he 
endeavours to start with the Gladstonian open 
mind : i.e., by having no fixed opinion of his own. 
He listens to all forms his own opinion in doing 
so and invariably finishes by impressing and 
influencing others. He even indirectly manipu- 
lates public opinion by constantly seeing and 
conversing with a vast number of people. For in 
Roumania there is no class favouritism so far as 
access to the monarch is concerned. Anybody 
may be presented at Court, and on any Sunday 
afternoon all are at liberty to call and see the 
King even without the formality of an audience 
paper to fix an appointment. 


Personal favouritism has never existed under 
him. In fact, so thoroughly has he realised and 
carried into practice what he considers to be his 
duty of personal impartiality, that he once vouch- 
safed the following justification of an apparent 
harshness : that a ruler must take up one and 
drop another as the interests of the country re- 
quire. In other words, he must not allow personal 
feeling to sway him whereas in private life he 
should never forsake a friend. And yet withal 
King Charles is anxiously intent upon avoiding 
personal responsibility not from timidity, but 
from an idea that it is irreconcilable with the 
dignity of a constitutional king to put himself 
forward in this way. Thus not " Le Hoi le veut," 
but rather " I hold it to be in the public 
interest that such and such a thing should be 
done" is his habitual form of speech in council 
with his Ministers. 

One of the King's favourite aphorisms is singu- 
larly suggestive in our talkative age : "It is not 
so much by what a prince does as by what he says 
that he makes enemies ! " Like all men of true 
genius or what the Germans call "geniale 
Naturen " King Charles is of simple, unaffected 
nature ; * without a taint of the histrionic in his 
composition, yet gifted with great reserve force 

* Lord Macaulay cites the Earl of Chatham in the following 
words as the exception to this invariable rule, thus : " He 
was an almost solitary instance of a man of real genius, and of 


of self-repression, and rare powers of discernment 
and well-balanced judgment. 

With all the pride of a Hohenzoller, a sentiment 
which he never relinquishes, and which, indeed, is 
a constant spur to regulate his conduct by a high 
standard, he yet holds that nobody should let a 
servant do for him what he can do for himself. 
Also, he has ever felt an unaffected liking for 
people of humble station who lead useful lives, and 
have raised themselves honestly by their own 
merit. In fact, the man who works however 
lowly his sphere of life is nearer to his sympathies 
than one whose position gives him an excuse for 
laziness. He instinctively dislikes the " loafer," 
whatever his birth. He admits as little that 
exalted position is an excuse for a useless life as 
that it should be put forward to excuse deviation 
from the principles of traditional morality. And 
in this respect his own life, which has been sin- 
gularly marked by what the German language 
terms " Sittenreinheit," " purity of morals," offers 
an impressive justification for his intolerance upon 
this one particular point. 

It is said to be King Charles's earnest conviction 
that the maxims he has striven to put into practice 

a brave, lofty, and commanding spirit, without simplicity of 
character." (William Pitt, Earl of Chatham.) Macaulay's 
" Critical and Historical Essays." 


are the only possible ones upon which a monarchy 
on a democratic basis can hope to exist in our time. 
But here he is obviously attempting to award to 
principle what, in this instance at least, must be 
largely due to the intuitive gifts of an extraordi- 
nary personality. Maxims are all very well so far 
as they go, but they did not go the whole length of 
the way. Did not even Immanuel Kant himself 
admit that, during a long experience as a tutor, 
he had never been able to put those precepts suc- 
cessfully into practice upon which his work on 
" Piidagogik " is founded ? Also many of the 
difficulties successfully encountered by the King 
of Roumania have been of such a nature as cut- 
and-dry application of precepts or maxims would 
never have sufficed to vanquish. Among these 
may be cited the acute crises which from time to 
time have been the product of bitter party -warfare 
in Roumania. Thus, during the Franco-German 
War, when the sympathies of the Roumanian 
people were with the French to a man, his position 
was one of extreme difficulty. The spiteful enmity 
he encountered in those days taxed his endu- 
rance to its utmost limits, and even called forth a 
threat of abdication. A weaker man would have 
left his post. Again, in 1888, when a peasant 
rising brought about by party intrigues seemed 
to threaten the results of many years' labour, 
even experienced statesmen hinted that the 
Hohenzollern dynasty might not last another six 


months. The King was advised to use force and 
fire upon the rioters. This he declined to do. 
He simply dismissed the Ministry from office, and 
called the Opposition into power, and subsequent 
events proved that his decision was the right one. 
But by far the greatest crisis of his reign, and at 
the same time the greatest test of his nerve and 
political sagacity, was furnished by the singularly 
difficult situation of Roumania during the Russo- 
Turkish War of 1877 : here, indeed, the very exist- 
ence of Roumania was at stake. The situation may 
be read between the lines in the present volume. 

The King, by virtue of a convention, had 
allowed the Russians to march through Rou- 
mania, but the latter had declined an acceptable 
alliance which the Roumanians wished for. 
When things in Bulgaria went badly with the 
Russians, they wanted to call upon some bodies 
of Roumanian troops which were stationed on the 
banks of the Danube. The King, or, as he was 
then, Prince Charles, with the instinct of the 
soldier and in this case, moreover, of the far- 
sighted politician was burning to let Roumania 
take her share in the struggle. But he was de- 
termined that she should only enter the fray 
if at all as an independent belligerent power. 
So he held back and held back again, risking the 
grave danger which might accrue to Roumania, 
arid above all to himself, from ultimate Russian 
resentment. In the meantime, the Russians were 


defeated in the battles round Plevna ; still he held 
back ; not with a point-blank refusal, but with a 
dilatory evasiveness which drove the Russians 
nearly frantic. For, during those terrible months 
of July and August 1877, in which their soldiers 
were dying like flies, they could see the whole Rou- 
manian army standing ready mobilised, but motion- 
less, a few hours away to the north, on the Danube 
immovable in the face of all Muscovite appeals 
for assistance. At last the Russians were obliged 
to accept Prince Charles's conditions, to agree to 
allow him the independent command of all Rou- 
manian troops, and to place a large corps of Russian 
troops besides under his orders. Then, indeed, the 
former Prussian lieutenant started within twenty- 
four hours, after playing the Russians at their 
own game for four months, and beating them at 
it to boot. Had Russia refused his demands, not 
a single Roumanian would have entered upon that 
struggle in the subsequent course of which their 
Sovereign covered himself with renown. It was 
no part of his business as the ruler of Roumania to 
seek military glory per se, although the instinct 
for such was strong within the Hohenzoller. Also 
on the llth September, the battle of Grivitza 
which was fought against his advice saw him 
at his post, and sixteen thousand Russians and 
Roumanians* were killed and wounded under his 

* The Roumanians alone lost 2659 killed and wounded on 
that day. 


command, probably a greater number slain in 
open battle in one day than England has lost in 
all her wars since the Crimea ! Surely there was 
something of the heroic here ; and yet it could 
hardly weigh as an achievement when compared 
with those Fabian tactics which preceded it, and 
the execution of which, until the psychological 
moment came, called for nerves of steel. Hardly 
ever has la politique dilatoire of which Prince 
Bismarck was such a master in his dealings with 
Benedetti had an apter exponent than King 
Charles on this eventful occasion. And its re- 
sults, although afterwards curtailed by the 
decision of the Berlin Congress, secured the in- 
dependence of Roumania and its creation as a 


King Charles is peculiarly German in his 
passionate love of nature. At Sinaja his 
summer residence he looks after his trees 
with the same solicitude which filled his great 


countryman, Prince Bismarck. He spends his 
holidays by preference amid romantic scenery 
at Abbazia, on the blue Adriatic, or in Swit- 
zerland. He visits Ragatz nearly every year, 
and thoroughly enjoys his stay among the bluff 
Swiss burghers. It is impossible for him to 
conceal his identity there ; but he does his 
best to avoid the dreaded royalty-hunting tourist 


of certain nationalities, and finds an endless fund 
of amusement in the rough politeness of the 
inhabitants, with their customary greeting : 
" Herr Konig, beehren Sie uns bald ivieder " 
" Mr. King, pray honour us again with your 

He also loves to roam at will unknown among 
the venerable buildings of towns, such as Vienna 
and Munich, to look at the picture and art 
galleries, and gather ideas of the way to obtain 
for his own people some of those treasures of 
culture which he admires in the great centres 
of civilisation. He has even, at great personal 
sacrifice, collected quite a respectable gallery of 
pictures at Bucharest and Sinaja. 

If T have dwelt somewhat at length upon the 
King's personal characteristics and his political 
methods, it has been in order to assist the reader 
to appreciate what kind of man he is, and so the 
more readily to understand cause and effect in esti- 
mating how the apparently impossible grew into 
an accomplished fact. This seemed to be all the 
more necessary as the " Reminiscences" themselves 
far more of a diary than a " Life " are conceived 
in a spirit of rarely dispassionate impartiality. 
The letters, in particular, addressed to the King 
by his father whilst they afford us a sympathetic 
insight into a charming relationship between 
father and son do credit to the fearless spirit of 
the latter in publishing them ; and the frankness 


with which the most painful situations are placed 
on record can scarcely fail to elicit the sympathy 
and respect of the reader. In fact, the book con- 
tains passages which it would trouble the self-love 
of many a man to publish. This it is, however, 
which stamps it with the invaluable hall-mark of 
veracity, whilst, at the same time, it leaves the 
reader full liberty to form his own judgment. 





AFTER the conquest of the Balkan Peninsula by 
the Turks, who were intent on extending the 
Ottoman Empire even to the north of the Danube, 
there was little left for the Roumanian Principa- 
lities of Moldavia and Wallachia, deserted and 
abandoned to their fate by the neighbouring 
Christian States, except to make the best possible 
terms with the victorious followers of the Crescent. 
Each Principality, therefore, concluded separate 
conventions with the Sublime Porte, by means 
of which they aimed at domestic independence 
in return for the payment of tribute and mili- 
tary service. These conventions or capitulations 
were not infrequently violated by the Turks as 
well as by the Roumanian Hospodars or Princes. 


Though the rulers of Bucharest and Jassy were 
appointed and dismissed at the pleasure of the 
Grand Seignior, the very existence of the Princi- 
palities was due solely to the provisions of the 
treaties above mentioned, by virtue of which they 
escaped incorporation in the Ottoman Empire ; 
nor were the nobility of Moldavia and Wallachia 
forced to follow the example of their equals in 
Bosnia and Herzegovina in embracing Islam, in 
order to maintain their power over the Christian 
population. Still the Principalities of the Danube 
did not entirely escape the ruin and misery which 
befell Bulgaria and Houmelia ; but, since the 
forms and outward appearance of administrative 
independence remained, it was yet possible that 
the Roumanian patriot might develop his country 
socially and politically without threatening the 
immediate interests of the Turkish Empire south 
of the Danube. 

Chief amongst the difficulties which beset the 
regeneration of lloumania was the rule of the 
Phanariotes,* to whom the Porte had practically 
handed over the territories of the Lower Danube. 
The dignity of Hospodart was confined to members 
of the great Phanariot families, who oppressed 

* An oligarchy of Greek families in Turkey, from which a 
large proportion of high stations in the Turkish administration 
were filled. 

t Hospodar : Old Slavonic term for Lord or Master applied 
to the reigning Princes in Wallachia and Moldavia. 


and misruled the whole country, whilst the Greek 
nobles in their train not only monopolised all 
offices and dignities, but even poisoned the 
national spirit by their corrupt system. Even 
to-day Roumania suffers from the after-effects of 
Levantine misrule, which blunted the public con- 
science and confused all moral conceptions. 

Since the end of the eighteenth century the 
Danubian Principalities have attracted the unenvi- 
able notice of Russia, whose objective, Constanti- 
nople, is covered by them. In less than a century, 
from 1768 to 1854, these unfortunate countries 
suffered no less than six Russian occupations, and 
as many reconquests by the Turks. It speaks 
highly for the national spirit of the Roumanians 
that they should have borne the miseries entailed 
by these wars without relapsing into abject callous- 
ness and apathy ; and that, on the contrary, the 
memory of their former national independence 
should have continued to gather fresh life, and that 
their wish to shake off the yoke of their bondage, 
be it Russian or Turkish, should have grown 
stronger with the lapse of time. The Hospodars, 
appointed by the Russians, were hindered in every 
way by the Turks in their task of awakening the 
national spirit and preparing the way for the regene- 
ration of their enslaved people. Besides this, many 
of these Hospodars were prejudiced against the 
introduction of reforms which could only endanger 
their own interests and positions. They were, 


therefore, far more disposed to seek the protection 
of foreign States than to rely upon the innate 
strength of the people they governed. Such were 
the causes that hindered the development of the 
moral and material resources of the Roumanian 

The ideas from time to time conceived by the 
rulers of Russia for the unification of the Princi- 
palities were based solely on selfish aims and 
considerations. Thus, for instance, a letter dated 
September 10, 1782, from Catherine II., who gave 
the Russian Empire its present shape and direc- 
tion, to the Emperor Joseph II., shows clearly 
that the state then proposed, consisting of 
Wallachia, Moldavia and Bessarabia, was to be 
merely a Russian outpost, governed by a Russian 
nominee, against the Ottoman Empire. Even in 
this century (1834) Russia would have been 
prepared to further the unification of the Princi- 
palities, if only they and the other Great Powers 
had declared themselves content to accept a ruler 
drawn from the Imperial House of Russia, or some 
closely allied prince. As, however, this was not 
the case, the Russian project was laid aside in 
favour of a policy of suppressing the national 
spirit by means of the Czar's influence as pro- 
tector. The Sublime Porte, on the other hand, 
was straining every nerve to maintain the pre- 
vailing state of affairs. And finally, Austria, the 
third neighbour of the Principalities, hesitated 


between its desire to gain possession of the mouths 
of the Danube by annexing Wallachia and 
Moldavia, and its disinclination to increase the 
number of its Roumanian subjects by four or five 
millions, and thereby to strengthen those incom- 
patible elements beyond the limits of prudence. 
At the same time Austria looked upon the interior 
development of Roumania with an even more 
unfavourable eye than Russia, and it seemed as 
though Moldavia and Wallachia, in spite of the 
ever increasing desire of their inhabitants for union 
and for the development of their resources, so long 
restrained, were condemned to remain for ever in 
their lamentable condition by the jealousy of their 
three powerful neighbours. 

At length came the February Revolution of 
1848 in Paris, the effects of which were felt even 
in far Roumania. An insurrection arose in 
Moldavia : the Hospodar was forced to abdicate ; 
and a Provisional Government, the Lieutenance 
Princiere* was formed at Bucharest, and pro- 
ceeded to frame a constitution embodying the 
freedom of the Press, the abolition of serfdom and 
all the privileges of the nobility. The earlier 
state of affairs was, however, restored on Sep- 
tember 25 of the same year by the combined 
action of the Russians and the Turks, with the 

* The so-called Lieutenance Princiere was a kind of governor- 
ship or regency which was formed after Prince Kusa's fall, and 
consisted of the chiefs of all the recognised political parties 


result that the Principalities for a time lost even 
the last remnants of their former independence, 
and the power of the Hospodars was hedged in 
with such narrow restrictions by the Treaty of 
Balta Liman (May 1, 1849) that they could 
undertake no initiative without the sanction of 
the Russian and Turkish commissaries, under 
whose control they were placed. 

The Crimean War brought with it emancipation 
from the Russian protectorate, but although the 
situation was now improving, much was still 
necessary before the Roumanians could regain 
their domestic independence. A French protector 
had taken the place of the Russian. The 
pressure, it is true, was by no means so severe, 
nor was it felt so directly as formerly, yet 
the country perforce suffered no inconsiderable 
damage, both moral and material, from the half- 
voluntary, half-compulsory compliance with the 
wishes of the French ruler. Napoleon wished to 
elevate Roumania, the " Latin sister nation," into 
a French dependency, and thereby to make France 
the decisive factor in the Oriental question. A 
willing tool was found in the person of the new 
Hospodar of the now united Principalities, and 
thenceforth everything was modelled upon French 

An international Commission assembled in 
Bucharest in 1857, together with a Divan con- 
voked by an Imperial Firman for Moldavia and 


Wallachia, to consider the question of the future 
position of the Danubian Principalities. The de- 
liberations of these two bodies, however, resulted 
in nothing, as neither the Sublime Porte nor the 
Great Powers were inclined to agree to the pro- 
gramme submitted to them, the main features of 
which were : the union of the two Principalities 
as a neutral, autonomous state under the here- 
ditary sovereignty of a prince of a European 
dynasty, and the introduction of a constitution. 
A conference held at Paris, on the other hand, 
decided that each Principality should elect a 
native Hospodar, subject to the Sultan's confir- 

The desire for national unity had, however, 
become so strong that the newly elected legis- 
lative bodies of both countries rebelled against the 
decision of the Great Powers, and elected Colonel 
Alexander Kusa as their ruler in 1859. Personal 
union was thus achieved, though the election of a 
foreign prince had, for the time being, to be 
abandoned. Still Prince Kusa was required to 
pledge his word to abdicate should an oppor- 
tunity arrive for the closer union of the two 
countries under the rule of a foreign prince. 

Guided by the advice of the Great Powers, the 
Sultan confirmed the election of Prince Kusa, but 
by means of two Firmans, a diplomatic sleight of 
hand, by which the fait accompli of the irregular 
union remained undisturbed, albeit unrecognised. 


Formal sanction to the union was not conceded by 
the Sublime Porte until 1861. Prince Kusa, 
whose private life was by no means above re- 
proach, endeavoured to fulfil in public the 
patriotic ambition of furthering his people's pro- 
gress. But Boumania at that period was not 
prepared for the purely parliamentary form of 
government it had assumed, and the well-meant 
reforms initiated by the Prince and the Chamber 
achieved no immediate result. Prince Kusa, 
therefore, felt himself compelled to abolish the 
Election Laws by a coup d'etat, and to frame a 
new one, which obtained the sanction of the 
Sublime Porte, and eventually the approval of the 
majority of the nation. 

The increased liberty of action gained by the 
Prince was utilised to the full in formulating a 
series of necessary and excellent reforms ; he 
failed, however, to place the budget on a satis- 
factory footing, and the finances remained in the 
same unfavourable condition as before, whilst 
several of his measures were directly opposed to 
the interests of certain factions and classes of the 
population. In addition to these difficulties, 
scandals arose which were based only too firmly 
upon the extremely lax life which Prince Kusa 
led, and a conspiracy was formed for his over- 
throw which found a ready support throughout 
the land. The Palace at Bucharest was surprised 
on the night of February 22, 1866, by a band of 


armed men, who forced the Prince to abdicate 
and quit the country. This accomplished, the 
leaders of the various parties assembled arid 
formed a Provisional Government under the 
Lieutenance Princiere, or regency, which consisted 
of General N. Golesku, Colonel Haralambi and 
Lascar Catargiu. 

The Chamber at once proceeded to elect a new 
ruler, and their first choice fell upon the Count of 
Flanders, the younger brother of the King of 
Belgium. Napoleon III., however, who was then 
still able to play the arbitrator in the affairs of 
Europe, hinted that the Count would be better 
advised to decline the proffered crown. The 
Emperor's wish was acceded to, and, although 
the Provisional Government for a time appeared 
to persist in the election of the Count of Flanders, 
Roumania was ultimately forced to look for a 
candidate whose election would not be opposed 
by any of the Great Powers. 

The choice was difficult, if not impossible ; for 
the Paris Conference, which had reassembled in 
the meantime, had decided against the union of the 
Principalities ; and, unless Roumania could attain 
its object semi-officially by the favour of the Great 
Powers, the position was hopeless. 

It was, indeed, a serious, not to say alarming, 
situation ; for a war between Prussia and Austria 
for the hegemony of Germany was imminent, and 
threatened to lead to further complications in the 


East. If the election were delayed until after the 
outbreak of hostilities, one of the belligerent parties 
was certain to reject the candidate whose election 
the other approved, whilst Russia would take 
advantage of the interregnum to stir up the 
whole of Roumania, especially Moldavia, against 
the union ; for anything that might tend to 
impede the Russian advance upon Constantinople 
could not fail to evoke the most lively hostility 
in St. Petersburg. It was, therefore, upon 
France and her Emperor that all the hopes 
of the Roumanians reposed : with Napoleon on 
their side everything was possible, without him 

The leading Roumanian statesmen were well 
aware of the difficulties in the way, and eventually 
fixed upon Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as their 
candidate, for he was related to both the French 
and Prussian dynasties, upon whose goodwill and 
support he might confidently reckon. It was of 
the utmost importance, therefore, to move him 
to accept their offer at once, and to obtain the 
sanction of the nation by a plebiscite. 



THE Roumanian delegate, Joan Bratianu, arrived 
at Diisseldorf on Good Friday 1866, to lay the 
offer of the Roumanian people before Prince 
Charles and his father. In an audience granted 
by the latter on the following day, March 31, 
Bratianu announced the intention of the Lieu- 
tenance Princiere, inspired by Napoleon III., to 
advance Prince Charles Anthony's second son, 
Charles, as a candidate for the throne of the Princi- 
palities. Bratianu succeeded in obtaining a private 
interview with Prince Charles the same evening, 
in order to acquaint the latter with the political 
situation, and to point out the danger which must 
inevitably be incurred if the present Provisional 
Government remained in power. Prince Charles 
replied that he possessed courage enough to 
accept the offer, but feared that he was not equal 
to the task, adding that nothing was known of 
the intentions of the King of Prussia, without 
whose permission, as chief of the family, he could 


not take so important a step. He therefore 
declined for the moment to give any definite 
answer to the proposals of the Roumanian Gov- 
ernment. Bratianu returned to Paris, after 
promising to take no immediate steps in the 
matter. Prince Charles Anthony without delay 
addressed a memorial regarding this offer to the 
King of Prussia, and clearly defined the circum- 
stances which had led to his taking this step. A 
similar communication was forwarded to the 
President of the Prussian Ministry. 

A few days later Prince Charles arrived in 
Berlin, and at once visited the King, the Crown 
Prince, and Prince Frederick Charles, as he re- 
ported in a letter to his father : 

" The King made no mention of the Roumanian 
question at the interview, but the Crown Prince, 
on the other hand, entered into a minute discus- 
sion with me, and did not appear to be at all 
against the idea. The only thing that displeased 
him was that the candidature was inspired by 
France, as he feared that the latter might demand 
a rectification of the frontier from Prussia in re- 
turn for this good office. I replied that I did not 
consider that the Emperor Napoleon had thought 
of such a bargain, but had been induced to take 
the initiative in this matter by family feeling rather 
than by any selfish consideration. The Crown 
Prince, moreover, considered it a great honour that 


so difficult a task had been offered to a member of the 
House of Hohenzollern, Prince Frederick Charles 
also at once started upon a minute discussion of 
the Roumanian question. He seemed to be inti- 
mately acquainted with the issue, and volunteered 
the opinion that I was intended for better things 
than to rule tributary Principalities : he therefore 
advised me to decline the offer." 

The following telegram, published in the Press, 
was handed to Prince Charles as he was sitting 
with his comrades at the regimental mess-table : 

" BUCHAREST, i $ih April. 

" The Lieutenance Princiere and Ministry have 
announced the candidature of Prince Charles of 
Hohenzollern as Prince of Houmania, under the 
title of Charles I., by means of placards at the 
street corners ; it is rumoured that the Prince will 
arrive here shortly. The populace appeared de- 
lighted by the news." 

The Prince at once visited Colonel von Rauch, 
who had been entrusted with the delivery of 
Prince Charles Anthony's memorial to the King, 
and learnt that an answer would be sent on 
April 16. The following report was despatched 
to Prince Charles Anthony by his messenger on 
the 14th: "I was commanded to attend their 
Majesties at the Soiree Musicale yesterday 
evening. The King took me into a side room 


and expressed himself as follows : ' I have not 
yet replied to the Prince, because I am still 
waiting for news from Paris, as the Porte 
has declared its intention of recalling its am- 
bassador from the Conference if the election of 
a foreign prince is discussed. 

" ' Should the protecting States have regard to 
this declaration of the Porte, the election of a 
Hohenzollern prince would be rendered impossible; 
on the other hand, should the majority decide for 
a foreign prince, and the coming Chamber in 
Bucharest follow their example, the whole matter 
would enter upon a new phase. However, that I 
may not keep the Prince waiting, I shall express 
my opinions shortly as to the future acceptance or 
refusal of the Roumanian crown." 

The King of Prussia forwarded the following 
autograph letter to the young Hohenzollern prince 
early the next morning : 

"Your father has, no doubt, imparted to you 
the enclosed (telegram from Bratianu). You will 
remain quite passive. Great obstacles have arisen, 
as Russia and the Porte are so far opposed to a 

foreign prince. 


The telegram ran thus : 

" Five million Roumanians proclaim Prince 
Charles, the son of your Royal Highness, as their 
sovereign. Eveiy church is open, and the voice of 


the clergy rises with that of the people in prayer 
to the Eternal, that their Elected may be blessed 
and rendered worthy of his ancestors and the 
trust reposed in him by the whole nation. 


The long expected reply from the Prussian 
monarch arrived at Diisseldorf on April 16. After 
discussing the probable moral and material bonds 
of union which would unite Prussia and Roumania 
in the event of the offer being accepted, the King 
continued : 

" The question is whether the position of your 
son and his descendants would really be as favour- 
able as might otherwise be expected ? For the 
present the ruler of Roumania will continue as a 
vassal of the Porte. Is this a dignified and 
acceptable position for a Hohenzollern ? And 
though it may be expected that in future this 
position will be exchanged for that of an indepen- 
dent sovereignty, still the date of the realisation 
of this aim is very remote, and will probably be 
preceded by political convulsions through which 
the ruler of the Danubian Principalities might 
perhaps be unable to retain his position ! With 
such an outlook, are not the present position and 
prospects of your son happier than the life which 
is offered him ? 

" Even in the event of my consenting to the 


election of one of your sons to the throne of 
Roumania, is there any guarantee that this elec- 
tive sovereignty, even if it becomes hereditary, 
will remain faithful to him who is now chosen ? 
The past of these countries shows the contrary ; 
and the experience of other States, ancient and 
well established, as well as newly created and 
elective empires, shows how uncertain such struc- 
tures are in our times. 

" But, above all, we must take into consideration 
the attitude of the Powers represented at the 
Paris Conference to this question of election. 
Two questions still remain undecided : (a) Is 
there to be an union or not ? (6) Is there to be a 
foreign Prince or not ? 

" Russia and the Porte are against the union, 
but it appears that England will join the majority, 
and if she decides for the union the Porte will be 
obliged to submit. 

" In the same way both the former States are 
opposed to the election of a foreign Prince as the 
ruler of the Danubian Principalities. I have men- 
tioned this attitude of the Porte, and yesterday 
we received a message from Russia to say that it 
was not disposed to agree to the project of your 
son's election, and that it will demand a resump- 
tion of the Conference. All these events prevent 
the hope of a simple solution. I must therefore 
urge you to consider these matters again. Even 
should Russia, against its will of course, consent 


to the election of a foreign Prince, it is to be 
expected that intrigue after intrigue will take 
place in Roumania between Russia and Austria. 
And since Austria will more willingly vote for 
such an election, Roumania would be forced to 
rely upon her as against Russia, and so the newly 
created country with its dynasty would be on the 
side of the chief opponent of Prussia, though the 
latter is to provide the Prince ! 

" You will gather from what I have said that, 
from dynastic and political considerations, I do not 
consider this important question quite as couleur 
de rose as you do. In any case we must await the 
news which the next few days will bring us from 
Bucharest, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople, and 
we must see whether the Paris Conference will 
reassemble immediately. 

" Your faithful Cousin and Friend, 


" P.S. A note received to-day from the French 
Ambassador proves that the Emperor Napoleon is 
favourably inclined to the plan. This is very 
important. The position will only be tenable if 
Russia agrees, as she is influential in Roumania 
on account of her professing the same religion 
and owing to her geographical proximity and 
old associations. These constitute an influence 
against which a new Prince in a weak and divided 
country would not be able to contend for any 


length of time. If you are desirous of prosecuting 
this affair your son must, above all things, gain 
the consent of Russia. It is true that up to now 
the prospect of success is remote. ..." 

Prince Charles Anthony replied, assuring the 
King that, although the examples of such enter- 
prises in Greece and Mexico had proved disastrous, 
yet the complications which might arise from 
Koumania were not likely to affect the prestige 
of Prussia, and he therefore begged his Majesty 
not to refuse his consent so long as there was a 
chance of arranging the matter. A most im- 
portant interview then took place between Count 
Bismarck and Prince Charles at the Berlin resi- 
dence of the former, who was at that time confined 
to his house by illness. 

Bismarck opened the conversation with the 
words : "I have requested your Serene Highness 
to visit me, not in order to converse with you as a 
statesman, but quite openly and freely as a friend 
and an adviser, if I may use the expression. You 
have been unanimously elected by a nation to rule 
over them ; obey the summons. Proceed at once 
to the country, to the government of which you 
have been called ! " 

Prince Charles replied that this course was 
out of the question, unless the King gave his 
permission, although he felt quite equal to the 


" All the more reason/' replied the Count. " In 
this case you have no need for the direct permis- 
sion of the King. Ask the King for leave leave 
to travel abroad. The King (I know him well) 
will not t be slow to understand, and to see 
through your intention. You will, moreover, 
remove the decision out of his hands, a most 
welcome relief to him, as he is politically tied 
down. Once abroad, you resign your commission 
and proceed to Paris, where you will ask the 
Emperor for a private interview. You might 
then lay your intentions before Napoleon, with the 
request that he will interest himself in your affairs 
and promote them amongst the Powers. In my 
opinion this is the only method of tackling the 
matter, if your Serene Highness thinks at all of 
accepting the crown in question. On the other 
hand, should this question come before the Paris 
Conference, it will not take months merely, but even 
years to settle. The two Powers most interested 
Russia and the Porte will protest emphati- 
cally against your election ; France, England, and 
Italy will be on your side, whilst Austria will 
make every endeavour to ruin your candidature. 
From Austria there is, however, not much to fear, 
as I propose to give her occupation for some time 

to come ! As regards us, Prussia is placed 

in the most difficult position of all : on account of 
her political and geographical situation she has 
always held aloof from the Eastern Question and 


has only striven to make her voice heard in the 
Council of the Powers. In this particular case, 
however, I, as Prussian Minister, should have to 
decide against you, however hard it would be for 
me, for at the present moment I must not come to 
a rupture with Russia, nor pledge our State 
interest for the sake of family interest. By inde- 
pendent action on the part of your Highness the 
King would escape this painful dilemma; and, 
although he cannot give his consent as head of the 
family, I am convinced that he will not be against 
this idea, which I would willingly communicate 
to him if he would do me the honour of visiting 
me here. When once your Serene Highness is in 
Eoumania the question would soon be solved ; for 
when Europe is confronted by a, fait accompli the 
interested Powers will, it is true, protest, but the 
protest will be only on paper, and the fact cannot 
be undone ! " 

The Prince then pointed out that Russia and 
Turkey might adopt offensive measures, but 
Bismarck denied this possibility : " The most 
disastrous contingencies, especially for Russia, 
might result from forcible measures. I advise 
your Serene Highness to write an autograph letter 
to the Czar of Russia before your departure, say- 
ing that you see in Russia your most powerful 
protector, and that with Russia you hope some 
day to solve the Eastern Question. A matrimonial 


alliance also might be mooted, which would give 
you great support in Russia." 

In reply to a question as to the attitude of 
Prussia to a fait accompli, Bismarck declared : 
"We shall not be able to avoid recognising the 
fact and devoting our full interest to the matter. 
Your courageous resolve is therefore certain to be 
received here with applause." 

The Prince then asked whether the Count 
advised him to accept the crown, or whether it 
would be better to let the matter drop. 

" If I had not been in favour of the course pro- 
posed, I should not have permitted myself to 
express my views," was the reply. " I think the 
solution of the question by &fait accompli will be 
the luckiest and most honourable for you. And 
even if you do not succeed your position with 
regard to the House of Prussia would continue 
the same. You would remain here and be able to 
look back with pleasure to a coup with which you 
could never reproach yourself. But if you succeed, 
as I think you will, this solution would be of 
incalculable value to you ; you have been elected 
unanimously by the vote of the nation in the 
fullest sense of the word ; you follow this summons 
and thereby from the commencement earn the full 
confidence of the whole nation." 

The Prince objected that he could not quite 
trust the plebiscite, because it had been effected 
so quickly, but Bismarck replied : 


" The surest guarantee can be given you by the 
deputation which will shortly be sent to you, and 
which you must not receive on Prussian territory ; 
moreover, I should place myself in communication 
with the Roumanian agent in Paris as soon as 
possible. I communicated this idea sous discretion 
to the French Ambassador, Benedetti, after we 
had learnt that Napoleon wished to hear our views, 
and he declares that France will place a ship at 
your disposal to undertake the journey to Rou- 
mania from Marseilles, but I think it would be 
better to make use of the ordinary steamer in order 
to keep the matter quite secret." 

As in duty bound, Prince Charles proceeded to 
the Royal Palace after this interview, to ascertain 
the King's views on the proposed course of action. 
His Majesty did not share Count Bismarck's view 
and thought that the Prince had better await 
the decision of the Paris Conference, although, 
even should this be favourable, it would still be 
unworthy a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern 
to place himself under the suzerainty of the Sultan ! 
To this Prince Charles replied that, although he 
was ready to acknowledge the Turkish suzerainty 
for a time, he reserved to himself the task of 
freeing his country by force of arms, and of gaining 
perfect independence on the field of battle. The 
King gave the Prince leave to proceed to Diissel- 
dorf, embraced him heartily, and bade him God- 
speed ! 


Prince Bismarck sent for Colonel Rauch, who had 
played an important part in the negotiations with 
the King, and informed him on April 23 that the 
Paris Conference had decided by five votes to 
three that the Bucharest Chamber was to elect a 
native prince, and that France had declared that 
she would not tolerate forcible measures either on 
the part of Russia or of the Porte. The President 
of the Prussian Ministry then repeated the advice 
he had given to Prince Charles, viz., to accept the 
election at once, then proceed to Paris, and thence 
to Bucharest with the support of Napoleon, and 
to write at once to the Czar Alexander, hinting at 
the projected Russian marriage. If Russia was 
won, everything would be won, and the interven- 
tion by force of one or the other of the guaranteeing 
Powers would be no longer to be feared. As 
regards the consent of the King, which of course 
could not be given now, it would not be refused to 
a final fait accompli. Prince Charles must decide 
for himself whether he felt the power and decision 
to solve the problem in this straightforward 
fashion ; but it must be understood that no other 
method offered any prospect, for the Powers would 
eventually agree upon a native prince, and the 
Roumanians must submit. " I spoke," he added, 
" to the Roumanian political agent in Paris, 
M. Balaceanu, in a similar strain yesterday evening, 
and laid stress upon the fact that the King cannot 
at present decide or accept the election of Prince 


Charles, because political complications might be 
created thereby." 

From Paris came the news that nothing would 
be more agreeable to the Emperor and his Govern- 
ment than to see Prince Charles on the throne of 
Roumania, but that nothing could be done in the 
face of the decision of the Conference, and that 
the Prince's project of a fait accompli was so 
adventurous that the Emperor could not promise 
his support. An interview was then arranged at 
the house of Baroness Franque in Ramersdorf, 
with M. Balaceanu, who declared that the intention 
of the Roumanian Government was to adhere to its 
choice, and, if necessary, to carry on the govern- 
ment under the name of Charles I. Roumania 
would allow herself neither to be bent nor broken. 

Two days later, on April 29, Colonel von Rauch 
returned from Berlin with the royal answer to 
Prince Charles Anthony's second memorial, which 
contained a repetition of the King's objections to 
the acceptance of the offer, and still more to the 
fait accompli, which was so warmly urged from 
Paris. The " Memorial Diplomatique" of the 28th 
contained this suggestive phrase : "... V initiative 
de la France n'a pour object que les faits a 
accomplir ! " 

Prince Charles Anthony received M. Bratianu 
and Dr. Davila on May 1 at Diisseldorf. They 
came to announce the arrival of the deputation 
with the verification of the plebiscite, and to 


inquire whether or no Prince Charles intended to 
decline their offer definitely. It was then decided 
to telegraph in cipher to Bucharest that the Prince 
had decided to accept the offer, but only on con- 
dition that the King should give his consent. 

In answer to a telegram from Prince Charles 
Anthony, the King of Prussia begged him to come 
to Berlin to discuss the question of the fait accompli. 
The result of the interview was that the King 
agreed to refrain from influencing the decision of 
Prince Charles directly and to permit the fait 
accompli to "take place." The Prince was to 
resign his commission as a Prussian officer after 
passing the Prussian frontier. 

On the receipt of this news from Berlin, the 
Prince at once sent for MM.Balaceanu andBratianu, 
and on their arrival informed them that he was 
prepared to set out for Roumania without delay. 
The question then arose as to which route was to 
be taken, since Prussia might declare war any 
day with Austria, whilst a sea journey via 
Marseilles or Genoa risked a possible detention 
at Constantinople. The Prince eventually decided 
on the shortest route, via Yienna-Basiasch ; but 
this plan had to be reconsidered, as owing to an 
indiscretion the proposed itinerary became public. 

The long expected mobilisation order of the 
Prussian Army was signed by the King on 
May 9, and Prince Charles in consequence received 
an order from his colonel to rejoin his regiment 


at once, from which, however, he was exempted 
by the six weeks' leave granted by the King 
himself. Balaceanu urged the Prince by letter 
not to delay his departure, and reiterated his 
entreaties on behalf of the Roumanian people, 
who were anxiously awaiting the arrival of their 
chosen ruler. 

The last day at home was Friday, May 11, 
1866, and with it came the inevitable anguish of 
parting with his dearly loved parents. Repress- 
ing the emotions which might otherwise have 
betrayed the pregnant measure he had under- 
taken, Prince Charles, clad for the last time in 
the uniform of the Prussian Dragoons, rode down 
the avenue towards Benrath Castle, where his 
eldest brother resided and awaited him. Upon 
arriving there, he exchanged his uniform for mufti 
and proceeded to the station with his sister, 
Princess Marie, who accompanied him for the first 
few hours of his journey, and at Bonn the Prince 
joined Councillor von Werner, with whom the 
momentous journey was to be undertaken. 
Zurich was reached at two o'clock in the after- 
noon, when the travellers broke their journey for 
the first time in order to arrange the difficult 
question of passports. Von Werner telegraphed to 
a Swiss official, whom Prince Charles Anthony had 
already asked about the passes, to arrange a meet- 
ing at St. Gallen, but as the official was not at 
home at the time, a delay of twenty-four hours 


occurred, which Prince Charles spent in writing to 
the Emperors of Russia and France and the Sultan 
of Turkey. 

Baron von Mayenfisch and Lieutenant Linche, 
a Roumanian staff officer, who both joined the 
party in Zurich, set out independently, the former 
for Munich, the latter for Basiasch on the Danube. 
The Prince and Von Werner occupied themselves 
with erasing the marking of the Prince's linen 
and reducing the quantity of his baggage to 
indispensable limits. The following day (May 14) 
found the Prince and his companion at St. Gallen, 
where a passport was obtained for the former 
under the name of " Karl Hettingen," travelling 
on business to Odessa, and at the Prince's request 
a note was made on this document of the fact 
that Herr Hettingen wore spectacles. The 
acquisition of these passports, however, and the 
fact of his travelling second-class, were not alone 
sufficient to overcome all further difficulties and 
dangers, for on reaching Salzburg, on the Austro- 
Bavarian frontier, on the 16th, a customs official 
gruffly demanded the Prince's name, and he to 
his horror found that he had forgotten it. 
Luckily Yon Werner, with great presence of 
mind, flung himself into the breach by insisting 
on paying duty for some cigars, and so diverted 
the intruder's attention, whilst the Prince re- 
freshed his peccant memory with a glimpse at his 
passport. But this was not all, for scarcely had 


this little manoeuvre been successfully carried out 
than several officers of the " King of Belgium's " 
Regiment, with whom the Prince had served in 
1864 in Denmark, entered the waiting-room and 
caused him no little misgiving lest he should be 
recognised. Here fortune, however, again favoured 
him, and all passed off well, the travellers con- 
tinuing their journey as far as Vienna, which they 
found crowded with troops. Pressburg, Pest, 
Szegedin and Temesvar found them still caged in 
the dismal squalor of a dirty second-class carriage, 
and suffering much discomfort from an icy wind 
which chilled them to the bone. The tedious 
railway journey at length ended at Basiasch, from 
whence they were to proceed down stream by 
steamer. The mobilisation of the Austrian troops 
had, however, completely disorganised the river 
service, and a most unwelcome delay of two days 
took place at this unsavoury spot. 

Joan Bratianu arrived from Paris in time to 
accompany his future sovereign upon the last 
stage of his journey, but, as strict secrecy was 
still imperative, he was compelled to treat the 
Prince as a stranger. The Roumanian frontier 
was reached at last, and the boat lay alongside 
the quay of Turnu Severin. As the Prince was 
about to hurry on shore, the master of the steam- 
boat stopped him to inquire why he should land 
here when he wanted to go to Odessa. The 
Prince replied that he only intended to spend a 


few minutes on shore, and then hurried forward. 
As soon as he touched Roumanian soil, Bratianu, 
hat in hand, requested his Prince to step into one 
of the carriages waiting there. And as he did so 
he heard the captain's voice exclaim : " By God, 
that must be the Prince of Hohenzollern ! " 

After the despatch of a couple of telegrams to 
the Lieutenance Princiere and the Government, 
the Prince and Bratianu set out for the capital 
in a carriage drawn by eight horses at a hand 
gallop, which never slackened its headlong pace 
throughout the ice-cold, misty night. At four 
o'clock they reached the river Jiu, but lost some 
time there, as the ferry was not in working order. 
At Krajowa, where the news of his arrival had 
brought together an enormous and enthusiastic 
multitude, a right royal welcome awaited the new 
Prince, and, escorted by two sections of Dorobanz 
Cavalry (Militia hussars), he reached the prettily 
decorated town of Slatina at noon, where a halt 
of a couple of hours was made before proceeding 
to Piteschti. En route the Prince overtook the 
2nd Line Regiment marching on Bucharest, and 
was greeted by them with enthusiastic cheers. A 
numerous escort of cavaliers, amongst them Dr. 
Davila, met the Prince outside Piteschti, where 
yet another most enthusiastic reception was 
accorded him. General Golesku and Jon Ghika, 
the President of the Ministry, were presented to 
the Prince, who expressed his pleasure at greeting 


the first members of the Government. The night 
was passed at Goleschti, where the Prince entered 
upon his duties by signing a decree pardoning the 
Metropolitan of Moldavia for his share in the 
Separatist riots of April 15. Prince Charles rose 
early the following morning to make all necessary 
arrangements for his triumphal entry into the 
capital, where the inhabitants were waiting 
impatiently to do him honour. The keys of the 
town were presented by the Burgomaster, who 
also addressed a speech to the new ruler. The 
procession then passed along the streets lined by 
soldiers of the Line and National Guard, until 
they reached a house outside which a guard of 
honour was posted. "What house is that?" 
asked the Prince in the innocence of his heart. 
" That is the Palace," replied General Golesku 
with embarrassment. Prince Charles thought he 
had misunderstood him, and asked : " Where is 
the Palace ? " The General, still more embar- 
rassed, pointed in silence to the one-storeyed 

At length the procession halted at the Metro- 
polie, the Cathedral of Bucharest, where the 
venerable Metropolitan received the Prince and 
tendered him the Cross and Bible to kiss. After 
hearing the Te Deum, the Prince, with his suite, 
proceeded to the Chamber, which stands exactly 
opposite the Metropolie. Here he took the oath 
to keep the laws, maintain the rights, and pre- 


serve the integrity of Roumania. " Jur de a pazi 
legile Romaniei, d'a mentine drepturile sale si 
integritatea teritoriului ! " * Then, after replying 
in French to the address of the President of the 
Chamber, Prince Charles repaired with his suite 
to the Palace to refresh himself after the exertions 
of the day. The rooms, though small, proved to 
have been tastefully furnished by Parisian 
upholsterers during the government of Prince 
Kusa, but the view from the windows was primi- 
tive indeed ; on the one side stood an insignificant 
guardhouse, whilst the other offered the national 
spectacle of a gipsy encampment with its herd of 
swine wallowing in the gutters of the main road 
it could hardly be called a street. Such were 
the surroundings amongst which the adventurous 
Hohenzollern Prince commenced his new career ! 

* Translation : " I swear to protect the laws of Roumania, to 
maintain her rights and the integrity of her soil." 



THE first Roumanian Ministry under the new 
regime was composed of members of all political 
parties, Conservatives and Liberals, Moldavians 
and Wallachians, Right, Centre, and Left. Lascar 
Catargui was appointed President of the Ministry, 
which, amongst others, included Joan Bratianu 
(Finance), Petre Mavrogheni (Foreign Affairs), 
General Prince * Jon Ghika (War), and Demeter 
Sturdza (Public Works). 

The chief task of the new Government was to 
secure the recognition of their new ruler by the 
Powers, but the telegrams from the Roumanian 
agents abroad showed very plainly that the fait 
accompli was only the first step towards the 
desired end. The initiative of the Prince found 
favour, it is true, with Napoleon, but his Minister, 
Drouyn de L'Huys, regarded his action as an insult 

* All titles and privileges of the Roumanian nobility were 
abolished by law with the exception of the title of Bey-Sade 
(Prince or " Fiirst") granted to the sons of former Hospodars. 


to the Paris Conference, whilst the Sultan refused 
to receive the letter addressed to him by Prince 
Charles, and announced his intention of applying 
to the Conference for sanction to occupy the 
Principalities by armed force. To meet this 
possibility, the immediate mobilisation of the 
Roumanian Army was decided upon by the 
Cabinet, and the Prince seized an occasion for 
reviewing the troops on May 24. The Turkish 
protest against the election was submitted 
to the Conference on the following day, but 
the Powers decided that Turkey was not 
entitled to occupy Roumanian territory without 
the previous consent of the. Powers, and also 
declared that they had broken off official com- 
munications with the Prince's Government. As 
the news from Constantinople became more and 
more threatening, a credit of eight million francs 
was voted by the Roumanian Chamber for war- 
like purposes, and orders were issued for the 
concentration of the frontier battalions and 
Dorobanz Cavalry. The former, however, mutinied 
and refused to leave their garrisons, whilst an 
inspection of the arsenal showed that there was 
scarcely enough powder in the magazines for more 
than a few rounds to each soldier. 

The deputation sent to conciliate Russia met 
with a cold reception from Prince Gortchakoff, 
who complained that France had been consulted 
before the fait accompli. He further remonstrated 


against the collection of Polish refugees on the 
Roumanian frontier. On the other hand, he 
did not appear averse from an alliance between 
Prince Charles and the Russian Imperial family. 
Bismarck received the members of the deputation 
with cordiality, and recommended them to assume 
an anti- Austrian attitude in the event of an insur- 
rection in Hungary. In the meantime, the Paris 
Conference declined to appoint commissaries for 
the Principalities, as had been done formerly 
under the Hospodars, and practically decided to 
leave Roumania an open question. 

The finances of the Principalities were com- 
pletely disorganised, as the Public Treasury was 
empty, the floating debt amounted to close on 
seven millions sterling, arid it seemed as though 
the year 1866 would indicate a deficit of another 
six millions. To complete the financial ruin of 
the country, a proposal to create paper money 
was set on foot, but was thrown out by the 

The chief measure laid before the Chamber was 
the draft of a new Constitution. The Prince 
insisted upon an Upper and a Lower House as 
well as upon an unconditional and absolute veto, 
whilst the Chamber wished to grant a merely 
suspensive veto, such as is exercised by the 
President of the United States of America. 
Owing in great part to the efforts of Prince 
Charles, the report of the Committee upon the 


Constitution was presented on June 28, when a 
series of heated debates arose on the question 
of granting political rights to the Roumanian 
Jews. The excitement spread rapidly throughout 
Bucharest, and a riotous mob destroyed the newly 
erected synagogue. Thereupon, the unpopular 
sections of the Constitution were hastily abandoned 
by the Government in deference to the wishes of 
the Jews themselves. A better fate, however, 
befell the veto question, which was decided in 
favour of the Prince, and on July 11 the Con- 
stitution was unanimously passed through the 
Chamber by ninety-one votes. 

On the following day the Prince proceeded, with 
the same ceremonies as before, to the Metropolie 
to attend the Te Deum before taking the oath to 
the new Constitution in the Chamber. He then 
seized the opportunity of reminding the repre- 
sentatives of the nation that Boumania's chief 
object must be to remain neutral and on good 
terms with the neighbouring Powers. 

The Prince's daily routine at this period was 
calculated to tax to the utmost even his abnormal 
energy and strength. After a ride in the early 
morning, the correspondence of the day was gone 
through before the Ministers were received. Then 
followed miscellaneous audiences, and the inspec- 
tion of some Government institution or school in 
Bucharest. The organisation of the Ministries 
and Courts of Justice was modelled on those of 


France : the hospitals, thanks to the liberality of 
former Hospodars, were well endowed, and able to 
treat patients free of charge. In many cases, 
however, the hospital buildings were insanitary ; 
the prisons were in the most unsatisfactory con- 
dition, the food of the prisoners was of very 
indifferent quality, while, last, but by no means 
least, among the many points which demanded 
his close attention at this time, was the question 
of barracks and military establishments. At 
six o'clock the Prince dined with his household, 
and often some ten or twelve guests of opposite 
political opinions were invited, in order that he 
might become more closely acquainted with the 
views of the various parties. As, however, 
punctuality was at that time a custom more 
honoured in the breach than the observance in 
Bucharest, it frequently happened that the Prince 
had to commence dinner without one or other of 
his guests. After dinner Prince Charles generally 
drove along the chaussee, which, enclosed on either 
side by handsome gardens, formed the rendezvous 
of the fashion of the capital. On other days the 
Prince rode to one or other of the numerous 
monasteries and cloisters in the neighbourhood, 
such as Cernika, the burial-place of the Metro- 
politans, Pasere and Caldaruschan. 

Prince Jon Ghika returned from Constantinople 
on the 15th of July with a draft of the conditions 
upon which the Porte was willing to recognise 


Prince Charles. A Council of Ministers was 
assembled the same evening to consider this pro- 
ject, which was then unanimously rejected, and a 
counter-project was drawn up and discussed in all 
its bearings on the 17th. The main features in 
dispute were as follows : The Porte wished to 
retain the name of the " United Principalities of 
Wallachia and Moldavia," whilst the Ministry 
were in favour of either "Roumania" or "The 
United Roumanian Principalities." The Porte 
declared that the princely dignity must continue 
to be elective, whilst the Roumanians in return 
demanded the recognition of the right of here- 
ditary succession and, in the absence of a direct 
descendant of the Prince, his brother's family was 
to succeed. In reply to the Turkish demand for 
military aid in any war, the Ministry declared that 
Roumania would only render assistance in a 
defensive war. The proposal of the Porte to send 
an agent to protect Turkish interests in the 
Principalities was rejected entirely, as was also 
the demand that Roumania should neither coin 
money nor confer decorations. 

Acting on his father's maxim, " A wise and an 
honest ruler must never pursue a personal policy, 
but only a national one," Prince Charles declined 
to countenance a rebellion in Hungary advocated 
at a private interview by General Tiirr, the well- 
known Hungarian patriot and agitator. A similar 
course was pursued with regard to a Servian 


deputation, which assured the Prince that all the 
Eastern Christians rested upon him their hopes of 
deliverance from the Turkish yoke. 

The first Ministerial crisis occurred on July 25, 
1866, owing to the financial troubles and the 
disagreement existing between the President and 
MM. Bratianu and Rossetti. The Prince confided 
the task of forming the new Ministry to Jon 
Ghika, who had proved himself an able and 
energetic diplomat in conducting the negotiations 
with the Porte. 

In the midst of these difficulties the sorrowful 
news of the death of his brother Anthony, from 
wounds received at Koniggriitz, reached the 
Prince early on August 7. The sympathy which 
this family event evoked amongst all classes of 
the Roumanian nation was the surest proof of the 
affection and regard already inspired by their new 
ruler. Ministers, municipal authorities, officers 
of the Army and Militia, and all the nota- 
bilities of the country hastened to express their 
sympathy with the Prince's family in the warmest 

The serious condition of the finances forced the 
Prince to diminish the strength of the Army by 
7000 men, although the attitude of the Porte 
still rendered it advisable to concentrate all avail- 
able forces. Prince Charles also addressed the 
following letter to the Emperor Napoleon to induce 
him to favour a Roumanian loan in Paris : 


" In accepting the throne of Roumania, I knew 
that the duties devolving on me were enormous : 
still I confess that the difficulties to be surmounted 
are even greater than I thought. 

" The most complete disorder in the finances as 
well as in all the branches of the Administration 
gives rise to difficulties against which I have to 
struggle every day, and which render my task 
extremely painful. . . . 

" A greater power than that of man the 
Divine sends us fresh trials. The whole countiy, 
especially Moldavia, is threatened with a famine 
. . . The only means of succouring the populace 
is by means of a loan. . . Trusting, Sire, in the 
affectionate sentiments of your Majesty, I ask 
you for the aid of your all-powerful goodwill, 
because it is the knowledge of your Majesty's 
constant goodwill to the Roumanians and, I 
venture to say, to me personally, that has sustained 
me in the midst of the difficulties with which I 
have had to contend. . ." 

The Prince concluded with the words : " The 
happiness of the Roumanian nation has become 
the aim of my life : I have devoted to this mission 
all my time and all my aspirations." 

Owing to the active support of France, the 
Sublime Porte declared its willingness to concede 
certain points of the Roumanian counter-project, 
such as the election of the Prince, the hereditary 


succession in the Prince's family, and the establish- 
ment of the Army at 30,000 men, but demanded 
in return the recognition of Roumania as a partie 
integrate of the Ottoman Empire. 

On August 21, Prince Charles set out on a 
journey through Moldavia, accompanied by General 
Prince Ghika, Mavrogheni, and his aides-de-camp. 
The route ran through Busen, Fokschani, which 
was devastated by cholera, and Ajud, where the 
long awaited rain first fell on the dried-up country, 
then through Kaitz to Okna, where the Prince 
inspected the great salt mines and the prison. 
The next important halts were made at Botoschani, 
an almost wholly Jewish town, and at the 
Moldavian capital, Jassy, romantically situated on 
the banks of the Bachlui. The town is built in 
terraces on the hillside, where the numerous domes 
and towers scattered amongst the green trees lend 
it a most picturesque and almost oriental appear- 
ance. The reception accorded to the Prince was 
brilliant and hearty in the extreme, the only dis- 
cordant note being the refusal of the Rosnovanu 
family to share in the public rejoicings. It is, 
however, pleasant to note that in later years this 
family sought to show by every means how com- 
pletely their opinions had changed. 

Important and urgent news from Constantinople 
then forced the Prince to bring his tour to an end, 
and Cotroceni, near Bucharest, was reached on 
September 7, after some 920 miles had been 


traversed in seventeen days by means of about 
3000 post-horses. The result of the journey was 
altogether favourable, for not only had the Prince 
gained a clearer insight into the affairs of Moldavia, 
but the Separatist faction had been considerably 
weakened by the intercourse of Prince Charles 
with the leading men of the Principality. 

The following day the Prince received the 
English and French Consuls, who came to advo- 
cate compliance with the demands of the Sublime 
Porte, which, though- couched in far more moderate 
language, still contained the disputed clauses of 
the former project. The Ministry thereupon 
decided to send Ministers Stirbey and Sturdza to 
Constantinople to negotiate better terms for 
Rou mania. 

The Prince received a letter from his father 
on September 14, 1866, containing the following 
significant paragraph : 

"The political horizon is still very overcast; a 
war with France is unavoidable, although it will 
not take place this year. The ' chauvinism ' of the 
French Press is colossal, and the Emperor, who is 
personally inclined for peace, will probably have to 
give way to the pressure ! " 

The news from Constantinople now became more 
favourable, as both General Ignatieff and the 
Marquis de Moustier brought pressure to bear on 


Ali Pacha in favour of Roumania. Moreover, the 
condition of Crete, where an insurrection had 
broken out, aided and instigated by Greece, was 
in itself a reason why the Porte should come to 
a definite settlement with Roumania. Negotia- 
tions, however, suffered further delays owing to 
the departure of the Marquis de Moustier and the 
renewal of impossible demands by Ali Pacha, who 
was now supported by England and France. The 
last named believed that Prussian influence caused 
the Prince's reluctance to comply with the 
Emperor Napoleon's advice and proceed to Con- 
stantinople before receiving recognition by means 
of a firman, and the relations of Roumania to 
France became consequently cooler. The whole 
affair turned upon the words, " par tie integrate de 
mon Empire," which the Roumanian Ministry 
refused at first to accept, but now sought to 
modify by the addition of " dans les limites fixees 
par les' capitulations et le Traite de Paris" This 
addition was at last agreed to by Ali Pacha, and 
the long struggle ended on October 20. An 
exchange of letters, as recommended by the 
French Ambassador, then took place between 
the Grand Vizier and Prince Charles, who 
announced his intention of proceeding to Con- 
stantinople to receive the firman from the hands 
of the Sultan. 

The Prince granted an audience to the Consuls 
of the Powers on the following day to receive the 


congratulations of their Governments upon his 
recognition by the Porte before setting out on his 
journey to Constantinople. At Rustchuk the 
Governor of the Danubian vilayet, Midhat Pacha, 
received the Prince with the utmost ceremony. 
On arriving at Varna Prince Charles embarked at 
once on the Imperial steam yacht Issedin, which 
had brought Djemil Pacha and Memduh Bey to 
escort him to the Golden Horn. 

On his arrival at Constantinople the Prince 
landed at Beglerby, where an imperial palace had 
been destined for his reception. Thence the 
Prince, in the uniform of a Roumanian general, 
proceeded to Dolma Bagdsche, where the Sultan 
came to the door of his cabinet to welcome him. 
Next the sofa on which the Sultan was to sit a 
chair was placed for the Prince, but he pushed it 
gently aside, and as a Prince of Hohenzollern sat 
down next to his Suzerain. The conversation which 
then ensued turned first upon the Prince's journey, 
and afterwards on the state of affairs in Roumania. 
At the conclusion of the audience the Sultan 
handed Prince Charles a paper, which he laid on 
the table without looking at it, and then asked for 
permission to present his suite, one of whom took 
charge of the firman. The Sultan took a hearty 
leave of the Prince, who then visited the Sublime 
Porte, where the Grand Vizier welcomed him and 
presented to him the various Turkish great digni- 
taries of the Ottoman Empire. 


On October 26 Prince Charles received the 
Ambassadors of the Powers, amongst their number 
Lord Lyons, who had been of material assistance 
in obtaining the recognition of the Prince, but who 
was strongly opposed to any slackening of the 
bonds between Turkey and the Vassal States. 

The impression left in the Prince's mind by the 
magnificent reception was that it was due more to 
his descent from the House of Hohenzollern than 
to the fact that he was ruler of Roumania, for the 
Hospodars had been treated merely as highly 
placed officials, and as a symbol of their vassaldom 
were obliged to hold the Sultan's stirrup as he 

The second visit to the Sultan took place on 
October 28, and was marked by the same hearti- 
ness as before. Prince Charles, on leaving the 
Palace, en route for a review specially ordered in 
his honour, passed through the Marble Gates, 
which are generally opened for the Sultan 
alone. The review took place in pouring rain on 
the heights of Pancaldi, where six battalions, two 
cavalry regiments, and four batteries were drawn 
up. Ali Pacha entertained the Prince at dinner 
the same evening, when Prince Charles proposed 
the health of the Sultan, and expressed the wishes 
he shared in common " with all Roumanians " for 
the welfare of the Sultan and of the Turkish 
Empire. In reply the Grand Vizier laid special 
stress upon the deep interest his Imperial Majesty 


took in the Prince and "the Moldo-Wallachian 
population." Ali Pacha subsequently offered the 
Prince a number of Turkish orders of the various 
classes, adding that the patents would be sent to 
him in blank every year, and might be granted as 
the Prince thought fit. This offer was, however, 
declined, and the permission of the Porte was 
obtained for the institution of a medal for the 
Roumanian Army. After taking leave of the 
Sultan on October 30, Prince Charles returned to 
Varna in the Imperial yacht Issedin, arriving in 
Bucharest on November 2. 

The impending elections now claimed the atten- 
tion of Prince Charles, who, in a letter to the 
President of the Ministry, declared that " not even 
the shadow of influence " must be brought to bear 
on the electors. The Government, however, mis- 
construed the expression of this wish as a con- 
cession to the Liberal Opposition. The result of 
the elections was a bitter disappointment to the 
Prince and his advisers : one-third of the new 
Chamber was composed of partisans of the ex- 
Prince Kusa and Separatists, a second of sup- 
porters of the Government, and the third of 
Liberals. Not one of these parties, therefore, 
could dispose of a decisive majority. The Chamber 
was opened on November 27 by Prince Charles in 
person, who adjured the Deputies to lay aside all 
jealousies and personal interests, and to aid him 
in reorganising the country by " accepting the 


wholesome principles of honesty, industry, and 
economy, which alone can raise the civilisation, 
wealth, and power of the nation." 

The failure of the crops in conjunction with 
famine and cholera had added to the already heavy 
financial difficulties of the country. The paper 
currency was at 30 per cent, discount, whilst the 
pay of the Army and the officials remained in 
arrears. In spite of the applause with which the 
Prince's speech was received, the Government 
measures were obstructed at every turn by in- 
cessant intrigues in the Chamber. 

The following most interesting letter from the 
Prince's father, bearing on the difficulties of 
Napoleon's position, was received on December 24, 

"The position of France is at present most 
insecure. Napoleon's dynasty must struggle with 
four immense difficulties : 

" (l) The bitter resentment of the nation at 
Prussia's success in war. The Clericals do not 
cease to add fuel to this smouldering fire, and it 
will not be their fault if the national hatred does 
not break out into open flames. The Emperor is 
the most sober and reasonable of all Frenchmen, 
but it is quite possible that he may allow himself 
to be dragged into a war with Prussia in order 
to preserve his dynasty. 

" (2) The Roman question is one of equal import- 


ance. The withdrawal of the French force from 
Rome will either lead to the instantaneous down- 
fall of the Papal State, which would cause an 
unbounded agitation by the very strong Ultra- 
montane party in France against the Emperor, and 
entail the most serious consequences for him, or 
else the withdrawal of the troops will not lead to 
the fall of the Papal State in which case a great 
bitterness would arise amongst all the Liberal 
circles of France, which see the chief obstacle to 
national progress in the effete government of the 

" Under any circumstances, the solution of this 
question is dangerous for the Emperor, especially 
as the Empress will materially hinder the settle- 
ment of the situation by her Spanish temperament 
and bigoted inclinations, just as she will probably 
achieve her unnecessary pilgrimage to Eome in 
spite of the Ministry, calculating on the domestic 
weakness of the Emperor. 

" (3) The Mexican affair is the first and most 
flagrant defeat of the French Government. It is 
no longer a secret that the withdrawal of the 
French troops from Mexico is the result of an 
earnest, even menacing pressure from North 
America. If this pressure should be ignored in 
Paris, the weak French force in Mexico would be 
exposed to a Sicilian vesper. The troops must 
therefore retire, and with them probably all 
Frenchmen settled in Mexico. 


" This is a terrible situation for the Emperor. 
He destroys his own creation, the throne of 
Maximilian, and so offers a most material point 
d'appui to the powerful Opposition in France. 
In other words, this is a personal defeat of the 
Empire, than which none greater can be conceived ! 
Either a war or a disgraceful peace with North 
America must follow, against which a war with 
Germany, contrived in order to flatter the French 
and wipe out the bad impression, will be the only 
means of salvation and safety. Many millions of 
French money will be lost over this business, and 
the shaken and impoverished families will continue 
to fan the fire of discontent. The Opposition, 
which was opposed to the Mexican expedition 
from the beginning, will now be justified in the 
eyes of the nation, and the prestige of the Empire 
will be materially injured. 

" (4) The bad condition of the French finances 
and a deficit increasing from year to year form 
another great danger. The French Court itself 
unfortunately does not set an example of wise 
economy, and is thereby morally responsible for 
the ever increasing immorality of the Adminis- 
tration. . . . 

"The Oriental question, though theoretically 
dangerous, does not at first appear to be a source 
of real danger. Russia, indeed, might make it so, 
but England, Austria, Italy, France, and Prussia 
have a too substantial interest in the status quo to 


exclude the hope that several years of peace will 
ensue so far as that is concerned. . . . 

" There can be no doubt now that Bismarck is 
not only the man of the hour, but that he is also 
indispensable. Prussia has become a power of the 
first rank, and from henceforth must be taken into 

" The foreign policy of Prussia is firm, clear, 
decisive, and to the point. At home various 
elements of wavering and contradiction make their 
influence felt. 

" The annexed territories might already have 
become more Prussian, were not the fear of 
democracy so great in Berlin. . . . The Chambers 
are willing, everything has been passed and 
sanctioned that the Government demanded but 
unheard-of truths have been told, so much so that 
the feudal party has not quite the courage to 
glorify personal government beyond reasonable 

" The nation has obviously matured, politically 
speaking, Political extravagances have also de- 
creased rather than increased in the army, owing 
to the consciousness of a gloriously ended war. 

."In Southern Germany public opinion is still 
continually excited, especially in Wiirttemberg ; 
Bavaria sways like a reed. Prince Hohenlohe 
Schillingsfiirst* may become President of the 
Ministry in place of Pfordten ; his appointment 

* The present German Chancellor [1899] 



would be a sign in favour of Prussia. Baden's 
attitude 'is the most correct ; there they would 
prefer the supremacy of Prussia to that of Bavaria 
and Wlirttemberg. 

"A proof of the want of earnestness in the 
unity of Southern Germany is afforded by the fact 
that Bavaria is improving its Podewils rifle, Wlirt- 
temberg adopts the Swiss arm, Baden the Prussian 
needle gun, and the Grand Duchy of Hesse retains 
the Minie I And yet everybody is complaining 
of the want of unity amongst politicians and 
soldiers. . . ." 

In reply to a letter from Napoleon III. Prince 
Charles explained the chief difficulty of the 
situation thus : 

" The Panslavonic party seeks to produce com- 
plications in the East by all possible means. They 
have already been able to influence Greece ; the 
Cretans have rebelled, and, strong in the aid of 
nationalities which they cannot call upon in vain, 
claim the assistance of Europe. Agitators under 
Greek names are busy amongst the Christian 
populations and fan their latent courage. . . . 
Emissaries endeavour to incite the population of 
Moldavia, and even our Chamber of Deputies is 
prepared to create difficulties for us. 

" If the interest and sympathy of the great 
Western Powers lead us to hope that the Eastern 


Question will be solved in our favour, we must 
confess that we are not yet ready to obtain 
advantage from the situation. . . . We must, 
therefore, expect everything from the support of 
our traditional protectors, and especially from the 
friendship of your Majesty. It appears to me, 
Sire, most desirable that France, England, and 
Prussia should from now come to an understand- 
ing on the matter of Eastern affairs. A close 
concert between these three Powers would be 
the surest guarantee of our national indepen- 
dence. ..." 

Prince Charles received the following autograph 
letter from Queen Victoria on February 13, 1867, 
a propos of his recognition by the Sultan : 


" I cannot possibly allow the formal answer 
to your letter to be despatched without adding at 
the same time a few lines to the brother of my 
dear and never-to-be-forgotten niece Stephanie and 
my dear nephew Leopold. 

" I also desire to offer my sincere congratu- 
lations on the happy solution of the difficulties 
with the Sultan, as well as my warmest wishes 
for your future and lasting happiness and welfare. 

" I shall always take the warmest interest in 
your success, and I do not doubt that you will 
continue faithful in the future to the principles of 


moderation and wisdom, which you have hitherto 

" I remain -always your sincere cousin, 


The condition of Crete and the consequent 
agitation in Greece formed the chief topic of a 
letter addressed to Prince Charles by the King of 
the Greeks. King George pointed out the diffi- 
culties caused by the patriotic excitement of his 
people, whose longing for war was so strong that 
they expected him to fight Turkey, without 
money, troops, ships, or allies. He could not 
appear in the streets without being greeted with 
cries of "To Constantinople" from men and 
women of all classes. It was the special mis- 
fortune of his people that they thought every 
insurrection must bear golden fruit, because they 
themselves had always gained some end by revo- 

The Cretans formed three distinct Corps which 
were kept supplied with ammunition and recruits 
by Greek ships. This the Turkish fleet was 
powerless to prevent, as it had no coal, and was 
therefore forced to remain at anchor. The Greeks 
reckoned confidently upon an insurrection in 
Thessaly and Epirus, though, of course, they were 
well aware that Russia only fomented this move- 
ment in order that the Turkish efforts to suppress 
it might indirectly strengthen the Slav element 


by exciting sympathy in Eastern Europe. It was 
at this time that the Russian Government 
announced that it did not aim at the destruction 
of the Ottoman Empire, but only desired emanci- 
pation and humane treatment for the Christian 
subjects of the Sultan, and that it was awaiting 
a more favourable moment for the release from 
the onerous conditions of the 1856 Treaty and the 
re-acquisition of Bessarabia. The cession of Crete 
to Greece was, however, strongly advocated by 
the Russian diplomatists. 

A ministerial crisis in Eoumania was brought to 
an end on March 5 by the laconic motion : " The 
Chamber has no confidence in the Ministry ! " 
which was passed by a majority of three votes. 
Eventually a new Ministry was formed under 
the presidency of Cretzulesku, a moderate Conser- 
vative, and was on the whole well received by the 

A Roumanian statesman sent on a confidential 
mission to Vienna by the Prince reported that the 
feeling of the Austrian Government was now far 
more friendly than formerly, and that the questions 
of extradition and commercial treaties, consular 
jurisdiction, and the appointment of an accredited 
agent in Vienna would find more favourable con- 
sideration with the Austrian statesmen. 

A law was passed by the Chamber and pro- 
mulgated in the official Moniteur conferring 
honorary citizenship on W. E. Gladstone, J. A. 


Roebuck, Jules Michelet, Edgar Quinet, St. Marc 
Girardin, J. E. Ubicini, and P. T. Bataillard, in 
recognition of their efforts on behalf of the Balkan 

About this time Prince Charles Anthony wrote 
his son an interesting letter referring to the 
Luxemburg Question, which at that moment 
threatened to cause a war between Prussia and 
France. The Prince wrote as follows 

" Once more we are on the threshold of great 
events it is possible that a continental war may 
soon break out again, and equally possible that we 
may enjoy a lasting peace. This much at least is 
certain, Napoleon's star is sulking "and France is 
seething and fermenting." 

A letter from Paris aptly described the views of 
the French Government on the subject of Rou- 
mania and Prince Charles. 

" The Prince is very popular, much loved and 
highly esteemed personally, but his Government 
(that of Ghika) is unpopular, wanting in initiative, 
foresight, and firmness, so that its position is not 
solid. Reforms make no progress, Russian in- 
trigues have ample play, because the indecision of 
the Government and its want of energy throw 
doubt on its stability. Only to-day a diplomat 
remarked to me that the Russian party is getting 


the upper hand, that Russophile officers, such as a 
certain Solomon and others, have regained their 
influence and position, and that those who helped 
to elect the Prince are discouraged at seeing 
Russia, the eternal enemy of the country, in the 

After alluding to the project of a Russian 
marriage, the letter continued : 

"The Prince will soon be convinced that 
Russian ambition will not give way to sentiment 
or family ties. It marches straight to its goal in 
spite of opposition, and yields to nothing but 
superior force." 

Another letter from the same quarter addressed 
to the Prince gives the following quaint definition 
of the faults of the German character : 

" The German is never sympathetic to foreign 
nations, he is deficient in charm, in grace. The 
North German is too stiff; the South German 
is too heavy ever to awaken feelings of sympathy. 
This is as true as that the earth turns on its axis. 
Even admitting that in diplomacy one may be 
ungrateful, nevertheless the punishment seldom 
fails, as witness Austria, which has paid heavily 
for its ingratitude. It is most imprudent to 
alienate yourself from France." 


An application for permission to return to Rou- 
mania was received on May 26, from the exiled 
Prince Kusa, who alleged that his presence was 
required in a lawsuit affecting his private interests. 
Though Prince Charles was inclined to grant this 
favour, the decision was left to his Ministry, 
who opposed the project, as they had reason to 
believe that Prince Kusa's presence might provoke 

An unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Czar 
was made on June 7, 1867, when the Prince wrote 
to congratulate his Imperial Majesty on his escape. 
The Czar replied as follows : 

" I thank your Highness for the sentiments 
which you have expressed in your letter of 
June 10, on an occasion when Divine Providence 
has deigned to manifest its protection so clearly. 
You are right in not doubting the affectionate inter- 
est which I feel for you, and the warm solicitude 
which I have not ceased to consecrate to the 
welfare of my Christian brethren in the united 
Principalities. The hopes which I entertain 
regarding them are particularly founded on the 
fact that a spirit of order and authority will pre- 
vail over the passions which have excited them 
only too deeply during these last days. It is for 
your Highness to establish these principles firmly, 
for without them no society can prosper; and I 
like to believe that you will display therein a 


firmness equal to the wisdom which you have 
shown since your accession to power. 


The news that Omar Pacha had at last gained 
a signal victory over the Cretan insurgents was of 
the greatest interest to Prince Charles, who was 
well informed as to the general situation in that 
quarter. Whilst the majority of the Powers had 
proposed as early as April the cession of that 
island to Greece, France had gone still further, 
and demanded the cession of Thessaly and Epirus 
as well. Austria and Russia were, however, 
opposed to this, for though Russia desired to 
weaken Turkey in every possible respect, it was 
no part of her plan to help in strengthening 
Greece. In such cases the diplomacy of the 
Turkish statesmen appears to lie in the art of 
giving evasive answers and in skilfully playing off 
one Power against the other. 

The recently appointed Russian Ambassador to 
the Porte, General Ignatieff, made use of the 
energetic demand of France on behalf of Crete to 
persuade the Sublime Porte that the Western 
Powers were the greatest enemies of Turkey, 
whilst Russia was her only true friend and natural 
ally. His influence was, however, lessened by the 
Sultan's unexpected invitation to visit the Paris 
Exhibition, followed by another from England. 
Count Ignatieff was forced to content himself with 


the sarcastic reflection that, though every Court 
in Europe might in turn invite the Sultan, Russia 
would still have the satisfaction of seeing him 
ruined financially. 

Prince Charles proceeded to Giurgiu, on 
August 5, on his way to meet the Sultan at 
Rustschuk, who was returning from Paris. The 
interview with his suzerain lasted about half an 
hour, and Ali Pacha acted as interpreter. The 
Sultan appeared in excellent spirits at the result 
of his visit, and delighted with the reception he 
had met with on his travels. 

Owing to the continued hostility of France, 
especially as regarded the Jewish Question, 
J. Bratianu was forced to resign his portfolio, and 
a day later the entire Ministry followed him. 
The news of this step spread consternation 
throughout the country, and threw the greatest 
difficulties in the way of Stephen Golesku, who 
was entrusted with the formation of the new 
Ministry. The Separatists also seized upon this 
critical state of affairs to reproach the Prince 
openly with having sacrificed his Minister to 
pressure from abroad ; indeed, the whole political 
situation appeared most threatening. Influential 
persons in France were inciting ex-Prince Kusa 
to agitate in Roumania : the Minister of Finance 
wanted to resign because there were no funds for 
most necessary expenses e.g., the officers on the 
half-pay list had not received their pay for two 


months ; the open hostility of the Austrian and 
French Press ; the anti-dynastic and separatist 
movement in Moldavia, fomented by Russia : all 
these contributed to increase the difficulties which 
beset the path of the young ruler. 

The state of affairs in Crete remained practically 
unaltered ; supported by Greece and Russia, the 
Cretans demanded nothing less than incorporation 
with Greece, whilst England and France viewed 
this proposal with disfavour. Ali Pacha, the 
Grand Vizier, was sent to Crete with the most 
extensive powers to pacify the island ; in addition 
to other reforms, a Christian Governor-General 
was to be appointed. A sudden change, however, 
took place in the views of the Porte, for the 
Sultan at last recognised the futility of constantly 
giving way to foreign interference, and deter- 
mined to hold his own by force of arms. No fewer 
than 80,000 men were to be despatched to the 
island, though the season was by no means 
favourable to military operations. 

In the meantime a special session of the 
Roumanian Chamber was convoked on Novem- 
ber 6 to introduce reforms in the army, to con- 
firm certain railway concessions, and to vote the 
supplies without which the administration had 
become impossible. In spite of the continued 
hostility of France towards J. Bratianu, the Prince 
appointed that statesman Minister of Finance. 
The Chamber was then dissolved by the advice of 


the Ministry, who gave the following considerations 
as their reasons : 

The Chamber had been elected shortly after the 
accession of the Prince, at a period when the 
nation scarcely knew what policy their ruler 
intended to adopt, or, indeed, the details of 
the new Constitution. The consequence of this 
ignorance was a wrong application of the election 
laws fully half the elections would have been 
annulled had they been strictly investigated. It 
was evident from the first that no Ministry could 
reckon upon a majority in a House so equally 
divided, and so it happened that the Budget 
could not be passed at the proper time. In 
[February the factions had combined so far as to 
defeat the Ministry, but the new majority was 
again divided into three factions, and unable 
therefore to do its duty. The Senate was dis- 
solved for the same reasons. 

A complete victory was scored by the Liberal 
Government at the general election, both in the 
Chamber and the Senate. The speech from the 
throne on January 15, 1868, congratulated the 
Deputies on the peaceful course 1 of the elections ; 
and, after touching on the Jewish Question, 
insisted upon the necessity of legislating for the 
army, the Church, and finance, which all demanded 
their closest attention. 

Count Bismarck pointed out to the Prince that 
Russian support would be of the greatest benefit to 


Roumania, an opinion shared by Prince Charles 
Anthony, who remarked that Russia was either a 
powerful friend or a dangerous enemy. The future 
of the Orient belonged to Russia in the probable 
development of European affairs. "France will con- 
tinue to lose prestige ; it is, therefore, only common 
sense to step voluntarily into the Russian sphere of 
influence before one is forced to do so, yet at the 
same time without falling out with France. . . ." 
In a letter, which crossed the above, Prince 
Charles wrote : 

" The greatest danger for Roumania is a Franco- 
Russian Alliance. The former Power at present does 
its utmost to effect this. To-day France is forced to 
make friends of its enemies, for nobody sides with 
it. The whole Orient is against France. . . . 
Italy will have need of Prussia, and Prussia of 
Italy, for they both have only evil to expect from 
France. . . . France has lost much ground here, 
and if we did not remember that she has done much 
good for Roumania, we should break with her 
entirely. . . ." 

A Treaty purely "platonic," as the Prince 
termed it was ratified with Servia on February 2, 
1868, to "guard the reciprocal interests of the 
two countries ... and to develop the prosperity 
of the countries in conformity with their legiti- 
mate and autonomous rights." 


The ill-will and pique of the French Govern- 
ment led to an official request for information 
about the Bulgarian rebel bands, which were 
reported to be assembling along the Danube pre- 
paratory to invading Turkish territory, aided and 
abetted by the Roumanian Government. These 
accusations, it must be confessed, were partly 
founded on fact, for it was impossible to prevent 
the Roumanian nation from testifying in a prac- 
tical manner to its sympathy with its oppressed 
neighbours. Besides this, many influential Bul- 
garian families had sought refuge in Roumania 
from the pressure of Midhat Pacha's iron hand. 
The wave of hatred and enmity of the Christian 
religion which at the time appeared to sweep 
over the whole Turkish Empire contributed mate- 
rially to incite the Bulgarians in Roumania to 
undertake reprisals in revenge of the outrages 
inflicted upon their native country. 

The following letter from Count Bismarck was 
received by Prince Charles : 

"BERLIN, 27^ February, 1868. 

" I had the honour to receive your Highness's 
gracious letter of the 27th inst., and make use to- 
day of the first secure opportunity of tendering 
your Highness my humble thanks for the gracious 
sentiments expressed therein. It will always be 
a pleasant duty, and the outcome of my personal 
attachment, to be of service to your Highness's 


interests here. I have endeavoured to show my 
devotion in the latest phase of politics by main- 
taining in London and Paris my conviction that 
the rumours about the warlike undertakings on 
your Highness's territory are malicious inventions. 
The origin of these reports appears to be a Belgian 
Consul, whom we had cause to complain of in 
Brussels. At the same time, it must be remem- 
bered that the rumours have been used in Paris 
to make your Highness feel that an entente with 
Russia does not accord with the intentions of 
France. This does not affect the fact that every 
stable Government of Roumania has need of 
friendly relations with Russia as much and, 
indeed, owing to its geographical situation, even 
more than with any other of the European 
Powers. Your Highness must expect the reaction 
which will result from pursuing your own course. 
I do not doubt that the mission to St. Petersburg 
will result the more favourably, as the Bishop of 
Ismail succeeds in enlisting the active sympathy 
of his brethren and fellow priests in Petersburg, 
and in publicly fostering the impression that this 
has happened. . . . 


As foretold by Bismarck, the mission to St. 
Petersburg caused the Paris Government to look 
upon Roumania as lost to France. Bratianu was 
accused of having thrown himself into the arms 


of Russia, backed by his large majority at the 
recent elections. Again and again the young 
Prince was warned not to offend the French 
Emperor by base ingratitude. 

Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his son that 
"Bismarck's. . . observation that Roumania is the 
Belgium of South-Eastern Europe is perfectly cor- 
rect. E/oumania, like Belgium, must not attempt 
foreign politics, but must live on the best possible 
terms with her neighbours : she will then share hi 
the fruits which in due season will fall from the 
tree of Europe. But she must not pluck them 
herself, especially while they are unripe. . . . The 
situation of the Jews, such as prevails on the Lower 
Danube, is an evil rash upon the body of the 
State ; but it is as impossible to solve this 
Jewish Question with one blow as to drive a 
rash away at once. However, I have complete 
confidence in your ability to use the right means. 
The same applies to the dreaded declaration of 
independence. Such a one-sided action would be 
the most colossal imprudence : the force of cir- 
cumstances and not the wish of the Roumanian 
nation will be the operative factor." This sage 
counsel prevailed, although the declaration of 
independence was strongly advocated by many of 
the Prince's advisers. 

In June 1868 the arrival of Prince Napoleon 
on a visit to the Prince of Roumania was heartily 
welcomed by the whole nation, which was glad of 


an opportunity of expressing her sympathy and 
regard for France and the Imperial dynasty. 
Prince Napoleon, however, created a very indif- 
ferent impression, for not even the utmost 
enthusiasm, the deafening cheers, the showers of 
bouquets from the hands of fair ladies, were able 
to move him from the passive and icy demeanour 
which he displayed on his arrival. Although he 
had barely one word to say to the many persons 
presented to him, his manner to Prince Charles 
was very amiable, and he frequently repeated his 
offer of assistance to the Prince. The conversa- 
tion did not take a political turn, with the 
exception of the one sentence : " Paris considers 
you wholly in the Russian camp." 

The greatest confusion still prevailed in Crete, 
where the inhabitants persisted in their demand 
for union with Greece, and even elected sixteen 
Deputies to represent the island in the Athenian 
Chamber. This step, however, created a great 
difficulty for the Greek Government, for if these 
Cretan Deputies were allowed to sit, the censure of 
the European Powers would be incurred, whilst if 
they were sent about their business the excitement 
of the populace might easily precipitate a crisis. 

The news of the assassination of Prince Michael 
of Servia, who had always preserved the most 
friendly relations with Prince Charles, was received 
on June 11, 1868, with consternation and sincere 
regret by the Roumanian nation. Prince Milan 


Obrenowitch was unanimously elected Prince of 
Servia, under a regency composed of MM. Blag- 
navatz, Ristitch, and Gavrilovitch, by the Skup- 
tchina on July 5, 1868. 

A band of one hundred and fifty Bulgarians 
assembled in Roumanian territory and crossed the 
Danube on July 16 near Petroschani, abetted by 
a farmer, who concealed their rifles on an island in 
midstream. Aided by the Bulgarians south of 
the river, the insurrection spread rapidly, until 
Midhat Pacha defeated the rebels at Letzwitza. 
A proclamation of the provisional government of 
the Balkans was found among them, calling the 
Bulgarians to shake off the Turkish yoke and 
found a Bulgarian kingdom. With barbarous 
severity Midhat Pacha thereupon ordered all 
prisoners to be executed in their native villages 
as a deterrent to the remainder of the population. 
The Roumanian Government was accused of 
fomenting the insurrection, or at least of having 
taken no steps to prevent the congregation of 
insurgents on Roumanian territory ; but the real 
culprits were proved to have been Russian 
instigators. Prince Charles refers to the incident 
as follows, in a letter to his father : 

" The insurrection appears to be wholly sup- 
pressed for the present, and the few insurgents 
still remaining in Bulgaria have retired to the 
Balkans. How long the peace will remain undis- 


turbed I cannot say; but the fact remains that 
the bitter feeling of the Bulgarians has reached 
its climax, and can only be compared to religious 
fanaticism. Numerous bands of insurgents are 
still on Roumanian territory, but we are forcing 
them to disperse. Much anxiety is caused by 
guarding our extended frontier." ..." Public 
works have now come to the front : a law has 
been formulated and passed by the Chamber that 
each Roumanian, shall work three days or pay 
for three days' labour in the year on the roads of 
the country. This measure was at first opposed, 
as it was considered a corvee, but we succeeded in 
refuting this argument. ... I fully realise your 
advice, that my chief aim must be directed to 
the development of the material interests of the 
country. I should prefer to leave politics severely 
alone, and cut myself off from the rest of the 
world for some time to come, but the foreign 
Powers will not permit it. France in particular is 
attempting to throw difficulties in my way ; the 
Marquis de Moustier desires at all costs to fix 
some quarrel on Eoumania and to turn out my 
Ministry, which no longer inspires confidence in 
France ; for this I am sorry ; but, nevertheless, it 
will not induce me to dismiss a Ministry which 
possesses my entire confidence. I forgot to 
mention that Bouree, d propos of the Bulgarian 
incident, expressed the opinion : ' This circum- 
stance must be utilised to demand the fall of 


the Roumanian Ministry.' I think it more 
important to change the Ministers in France than 
in Roumania the events in Paris, in the Sor- 
bonne, the Rochefort trial in consequence of the 
violent article in the Lanterne, &c., are ominous 
portents. The Second Empire is severely shaken, 
and can only be maintained by radical means if 
the fatal sentence ' il est trop tard ' is not 
to come true as I am inclined to believe it 
will be. Sympathy with France has disappeared 
in the East, and she has only herself to thank 
if the Christian nations throw themselves into 
the arms of Russia. Turkish and French politics 
are identical here. . . . 

" Many irregularities and embezzlements still 
occur in the various branches of the administra- 
tion, but by no means in the same degree as 
formerly ; a considerable period will probably 
elapse before this evil can be wholly remedied. 
. . . The juries are not always capable of ful- 
filling their task ; they often sentence those who 
have been guilty of minor offences and acquit 
notorious criminals. ... I am against Press prose- 
cutions in Roumania, for what the papers write is 
valueless ; I am in favour of unlimited freedom of 
the Press ; it is decidedly less dangerous than 
limited freedom, the consequences of which are 
visible in France to-day." 

Events in Spain now appeared to be reaching a 


critical period, as Marshal Prim and Serrano were 
engaged in the task of selecting a ruler for the 
vacant throne. Rumour pointed to the following 
as possible candidates : The King of Portugal, the 
Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, Prince Philip 
of Coburg, and the Due de Montpensier. 

In a letter to the Crown Prince of Prussia, 
thanking him for a communication received 
through Colonel von Krenski,^ Prince Charles 
remarked : 

" The revolution in Spain came very much a 
propos, for France will now be forced to keep 
quiet. As an old acquaintance I deplore the fate 
of the poor Queen, but honestly confess it was no 
more than was to be expected. I should like to 
see an Orleans or Philip of Coburg ascend the 
Spanish throne, but on no account a regent put 
forward by Napoleon ! If the Republic is vic- 
torious in Spain it will soon break out in France, 
and at the present time this would be a lesser 
danger for the development of Germany than the 
Napoleonic dynasty." 

The repeated attacks of Austria, or rather of 
Count Beust, on the Golesku Ministry and on 
Bratianu in particular, proved that the retention 
of the latter might lead to the most serious conse- 

* A Prussian officer, sent in October 1868 by the King of 
Prussia as military instructor to Roumania. 


quences. The nature of these attacks may be 
recognised from the missta-tements in the Austrian 
Red Book, which estimated the number of needle- 
guns sold to Prince Charles at 50,000 instead 
of 10,000, whilst Roumania was termed an 
"arsenal" by Count Beust. Shortly after the 
opening of the Chamber the Ministry resigned, 
and Prince D. Ghika was entrusted with the 
formation of a new Ministry. The most prominent 
member was M. Cogalniceanu, and the Ministry 
was composed of statesmen belonging to every 
political party. In a letter to the President 
Prince Charles praised his programme as truly 
national, and expressed the hope that he would 
succeed in effacing all differences of opinion and 
those intrigues so prejudicial to the interests of 
the State. 

On December 9, 18G8, the following letter was 
received from Prince Charles Anthony : 

" The candidature for the Spanish throne has 
hitherto been discussed only in newspapers ; we 
have not ourselves heard a single word about it, 
and even should this project be placed more 
closely before us, I should never counsel the 
acceptance of this hazardous though dazzling posi- 
tion. Moreover, France would never be able to 
consent to the establishment of a Hohenzollern on 
the other side of the Pyrenees on account of our 
relations with Prussia ; nay, it is already swollen 


with jealousy because a member of that house 
rules the Lower Danube. . . . 

" Bismarck appears to me just now to possess 
rather less influence in Home questions. ... In 
the Foreign Office, however, he continues undis- 
turbed, although even there he has often to bow 
to the views of the King." 

In a subsequent letter to his son congratulating 
him on the excellent results of the change in the 
Ministry, Prince Charles Anthony wrote : 

"England, which now possesses a new Ministry, 
must be managed with tact, for the independence 
of the Porte is the corde sensible of both Tories 
and Whigs. If England is convinced that 
Roumania does not wish to emancipate herself, you 
will be able to reckon with confidence on England's 
sympathy and friendship for Roumania." 

Since Greece on December 18 declined to accept 
the Turkish ultimatum, all Greek subjects living 
in Turkey were informed that they would have to 
leave the country in fourteen days' time, and a 
Conference assembled in Paris for the purpose of 
adjust ing the differences of these two nations and 
preventing a war. Their efforts were crowned 
with success, for Greece accepted the declaration 
of the Conference on February 6, 1869. 

Count Andrassy, the Hungarian statesman, 
endeavoured to convince the Roumanian Govern- 


ment that its chief source of danger lay in Russia 
and that the interests of the Austro-Hungarian 
Monarchy were centred in a strong Roumania, 
which would be able to oppose a barrier to the 
Panslavonic element. After offering his services 
in the way of smoothing over the difficulties 
which had arisen between the two States, Count 
Andrassy expressed the opinion that the best 
solution of the Eastern Question would be a Con- 
federation of the Eastern nations and the creation 
of various independent States, " to make the West 
understand that the question could be solved 
without the influence and beyond the aspirations 
of Russia." 

In reply to a letter of Prince Charles regard- 
ing the entente cordiale with Hungary, Prince 
Bismarck wrote on February 2, 1869, as follows : 

" I consider it a very fortunate and cleverly 
managed turn of events that your Highness's rela- 
tions to the Porte should have improved. I am con- 
vinced that if the Porte believes that it has nothing 
to fear for its possessions from the Roumanian 
Government, it will be a more useful and perhaps 
a more sincere friend to your Highness than the 
majority of the European Powers, who can hardly 
interfere with your Highness so long as you are 
on good terms with the Porte. Turkey has much 
less to fear from a strong government in Roumania 
which maintains peace and quiet than from a weak 


and revolutionary state of affairs in the Princi- 
palities. I therefore consider, if your Highness 
will graciously permit me to give expression to my 
long and active political experience, that the first 
requirement of your Highness's policy is the estab- 
lishment of your authority in the interior, and the 
maintenance of confidential relations with the 
Porte. The means by which such relations can be 
promoted by personal intercourse with influential 
men in Constantinople will doubtless be known to 
your Highness's agents there. The maintenance 
of your Highness's authority at home rests princi- 
pally upon the maintenance of an absolutely 
reliable force of a couple of thousand men able to 
enforce obedience wherever they are assembled. 
The result of such obedience will then render 
possible a regular administration and a certain 
execution of the law. If your Highness achieves 
this result, the glory and practical success of your 
Government will be greater and more lasting than 
any extension of the Roumanian rule in the East 
could make it. The ideal for Roumania appears 
to me to be the title de la Belgique des touches 
du Danube, and for your Highness the glory and 
the gratitude of Europe such as King Leopold 
left behind him. The Roumanians, as we judge 
them from this distance, are neither essentially 
warlike nor ambitious to rule other nations. . . . 

" If this conception meets with your Highness's 
approval, amicable relations with Hungary would 


arise spontaneously. I by no means advocate the 
cooling of the entente with Russia ; nor need it 
suffer through Roumania's friendly feeling for 
Hungary, if your Highness only succeeds in culti- 
vating relations with the Czar and Chancellor in 
St. Petersburg, without employing the channel 
of excited and exciting consular agents. The 
Imperial Government itself is far more liberal and 
moderate than its agents in the East. . . . 

" The present demands of all nations and most 
of the Governments of Europe are secure conditions 
of peace, and everything that your Highness 
may do to maintain these, if you announce at 
the same time that it is done for the sake of peace, 
will receive the applause of Europe, though at 
first the hired papers of the intriguers for war may 
decry your action. But if your Highness believes 
that there is no power to render innocuous those 
who for foreign money endanger the peace and the 
stability of your Highness's rule, I cannot divine 
the motives which persuade a scion of so illustrious 
a house as that of your Highness to persevere in 
so ungrateful a task. . . ." 

Prince Charles described the motives which led 
to the dissolution of the Chamber as follows to 
his father : 

" The conflict between the Chamber and the 
Ministry sought by the former in the appoint- 


ment of General Macedonski to the command of 
the Bucharest Division shows clearly how the 
Chamber endeavoured to prevent the consolidation 
of the present Ministry in the hope of undermining 
all authority. I considered this a great danger, 
and the greater the danger, the more rapidly and 
energetically must one intervene. Europe desires 
peace ; and it is not for us, a little State, which has 
such an endless labour of development yet before it, 
and so much to do before it can become strong it 
is not for us to seek and agitate for war. I hope 
that in the next Chamber the quiet and reasonable 
element of the country will be represented, for 
this alone can ensure its future. The election 
struggles will, however, be hotly contested, as the 
opposition will employ every means to victory. 
Two days before the dissolution of the Chamber I 
had a five hours' conversation with Bratianu. . . . 
He thought that the situation at home was most 
serious, and that a catastrophe was imminent. I 
replied that I feared nothing. ' Un Hohenzollern 
ne se laisse pas si facilement renverser comme un 
prince parvenu' " 

Amongst other rumours, that of an intended ab- 
dication gained much credence at this time, whilst 
several letters were received threatening assassina- 
tion. Prince Charles declined to pay the least heed 
to these menaces, and to show his confidence in his 
adopted country rode long distances daily in all 


directions. It was only natural that Prince Charles 
Anthony's paternal anxiety should be aroused by 
the gloomy picture of the affairs of Roumania and 
their effect on the Prince's health. He wrote: 

" I have seen Krenski and learnt from him 
much that is new and interesting, but find that 
he regards matters in too gloomy a light and 
views everything with ultra-Prussian eyes. It is 
a real calamity that the Prussians, despite their 
qualities of spirit, character, and knowledge, are 
frequently deficient in objective conception and 
judgment ! 

" Krenski draws a gloomy picture of your 
situation, and I had to restrain him from painting 
the matter too darkly to your dear mother. You 
were looking ill, had no appetite, little sleep, and 
your exhaustion was patent to every one ! . . . 

" I consider it absolutely necessary that you 
should come here as arranged in April. It is of 
the utmost importance for two reasons : first of 
all, it will give the lie to the current reports that 
you dare not leave the country for a moment 
owing to imminent dangers. It is politically most 
important that it should be seen that you can 
safely venture, in spite of all, to be absent for a 
short time. Secondly, you will never be able to 
think of marriage unless you take steps personally 
in the matter. . . . 

" There is no news at all. I do not know 


whether I shall be able to go to Berlin for the 
birthday. My foot is better, but it is not com- 
pletely cured, and the greatest caution is necessary. 
It is depressing for me to feel myself an invalid 
when otherwise in perfect health. 

" After a spring-like winter we are now having 
a winter-like spring. It is to be hoped that 
April will bring us the inexpressible happiness of 
a reunion with you ! " 

Prince Charles replied to this letter as follows : 

" I hope you are not angry because I have not 
complied with your urgent invitation to come to 
Germany. I do not think it can be necessary to 
assure you how much my heart draws me to my 
deeply loved parents, my dearest possessions on 
earth. But he who assumes so great a responsibility 
as I have must not be ruled by his heart, but by 
his head. I fear Krenski has described the situa- 
tion here in too gloomy a light it is not so serious 
as he thinks. With patience, endurance, and 
energy everything can be attained, and I am 
convinced that I shall reach my appointed goal. 
It is true that during the time Krenski was here 
I had an enormous amount of work, little peace, 
and much annoyance. This, however, did not 
discourage me for a moment, whilst Krenski, who 
has much too soft a heart for a man and a soldier, 
often despaired. It was only natural that I should 


have no appetite or sleep, as the many wearisome 
tasks, without any distraction, exhausted and 
excited me. At present I am in excellent health, 
and await the result of the elections with calmness 
and less excitement than my entourage, for I 
know what I have to do, if it should come to a 
serious conflict. Most decidedly I shall not draw 
the shorter lot. . . ." 

The news of the death of the former Hospodar 
of Wallachia, Barbu Stirbey, was received from 
Nice in April 1869. Only a few weeks before 
he had written to the Prince, thanking him for 
some photographs of his native country. "God 
will bless the labours of your Highness and will 
grant you the glory of being the founder of a 
new Rou mania. Nobody knows better than I 
the difficulties in the path of a Roumanian Prince 
who endeavours to attain what is right ; they 
will not discourage your Highness, though they 
may defer the realisation of your hopes. To 
conquer all these difficulties at once would be 
impossible. ..." 

Prince Charles spent his thirtieth birthday 
(April 20, 1869) on a tour in Moldavia, where he 
inspected the progress of the railways. Thanks 
to the initiative of the Prince, the great bridge 
over the Buseu, 550 yards long, had been completed, 
and communication between the two great pro- 
vinces was no longer exposed to interruption by 


bad weather or floods. No less than five bridges 
in all had been constructed for the line to Fokschani, 
and it was with the greatest pleasure that the 
Prince noticed the expression of the gratitude of 
Moldavia in the inscription on the triumphal arch 
at Bakau : " Welcome to the founder of the 
Roumanian railways." 

A report from Paris informed the Prince that 
an intrigue was on foot there to instigate a 
revolution in Bucharest, and that this project was 
also known at Vienna. A suitable pretender had 
been sought for in the Roumanian capital, ever 
since the recall of the French military mission, and 
a son of a former Hospodar was now said to have 
been selected to replace Prince Charles. The 
alleged reason for this Parisian intrigue was the 
complaint that since Bratianu's resignation Prussia 
practically ruled the Principality through the 
North German Consul-General. 

It was, therefore, with the greatest joy that 
Prince Charles turned from these sordid affairs 
and devoted himself for a time to his elder 
brother Leopold. After a separation of a long and 
anxious three years the brothers met on April 27, 
shortly before Easter, at the capital of Moldavia, 
Jassy. Prince Leopold was thus able to witness 
a striking episode, which occurred as the venerable 
Metropolitan quitted the Church on Easter morning 
to announce, in accordance with traditional custom, 
to all the world : " Christ is risen." At the same 


moment Prince Charles stepped forward on the 
dais, before which some thirty convicts in chains 
stood waiting the clemency of the Sovereign, and 
ordered their fetters to be struck off to com- 
memorate the holy hour. It was an affecting 
moment ! The clatter of the falling chains 
imparted a bitter-sweet tone of gladness and 
sorrow amidst the universal rejoicings of the 
great festival of the Eastern Church. 

The visit of the Hereditary Prince was, however, 
spoilt by the terrible downpour of rain, which 
prevented most of the festivities in his honour. 
Many of the smaller bridges were carried away by 
the floods, and on one occasion the Hohenzollern 
Princes were in imminent danger of being swept 
away by a mountain torrent. Prince Otto* of 
Bavaria passed through Bucharest on his way to 
Constantinople ; but, strangely enough, his arrival 
was announced through the Consul-General of 
Austria and not by the North German Consul. 
At a dinner given in his honour the Prince dis- 
played great amiability, but Prince Charles noticed 
with regret the great melancholy with which 
Prince Otto's mind appeared to be surrounded. 

Prince Leopold, accompanied by his brother, set 
out on his homeward journey on June 7, and 
visited Kalafat, Turnu Severin, and Orsowa, 
where a monument had been erected to com- 
memorate the recovery of the stolen crown of 
* The present invalid King of Bavaria. 


Hungary. After taking an affectionate farewell of 
his brother, Prince Charles returned, lonely and 
rather downcast, to his work in Bucharest. 

Prince Ypsilanti, the Greek Ambassador at 
Paris, awaited the return of the Prince to lay 
before him the draft of a treaty between 
Roumania and Greece. The proposals aimed at 
nothing less than the " complete independence of 
Roumania and the Greek provinces of Turkey " 
by means of a combined action of the two rulers, 
which was to take place six months after the 
necessary arrangements had been settled. The 
numbers to be employed, and the support of an 
insurrection in Bulgaria were also touched upon. 

Prince Charles, however, adopted the same 
reserved attitude towards these startling proposals 
as he had done on a previous occasion, when Prince 
Ypsilanti, as early as May, brought a letter from 
the King of Greece thanking Prince Charles for his 
sympathy in the late crisis, and excusing the delay 
in replying. 

" I have not hesitated to comply with the 
decision of the Paris Conference on being con- 
fronted by the alternative, due to the ill-will of 
Europe towards the heroic struggle in Crete, of 
either allowing the insurrection to extend in that 
island without any practical result, or of com- 
mencing a war with Turkey, which was fraught 
with disadvantageous conditions for Greece." 


This bitter decision would not have been in vain 
if it sufficed to prove to the Christian nations of 
the East that they must first be strong enough 
to achieve their rights by force before they could 
attempt to throw off the Turkish yoke. 

Prince Charles's reply ran thus : 

" You cannot doubt, Sire, that I share with all 
my heart the sentiments expressed in your letter, 
and sympathise with the painful impressions 
which you recall. The community of interests in 
politics and religion between Greece and Roumania, 
as well as the identity of their commercial 
interests in so many points, naturally imposes 
upon us the duty of endeavouring zealously on 
both sides to strengthen the bonds which already 
unite the two nations. This tendency will respond 
to my dearest wishes." 



EARLY in the summer of 1869 Prince Charles 
received a very cordial invitation to visit the Czar 
at Livadia in the Crimea. This mark of regard 
was the more welcome as a project was on foot in 
St. Petersburg for the abolition of consular juris- 
diction in Roumania, a measure which Prince 
Charles was most eager to see adopted. In 
writing to his father he gratefully referred to this 
topic : " Russia has very wisely taken the 
initiative in this most important question, which 
will be unwelcome to France ; but tant mieux, for 
the French Cabinet is still very conservative, as it 
wishes to keep in with Turkey. But why should 
it agree with Turkey only about Roumania and 
not about Egypt ? Why does it side with 
England in Roumania, and oppose England a 
couteau tire in Egypt ? This policy, in one word, 
is based upon interest material interest. It is, 
therefore, only politic to endeavour to attract 
French capital for our great undertakings : I have 


already discussed this idea with several people. 
England is, on the whole, neutral to Roumania, 
and we have nothing to expect from that quarter. 
Its Eastern policy is by no means favourable to 
the Christian nations." 

The Ministry were empowered by a decree, 
signed on August 9, to act as regents during the 
first absence of Prince Charles from Roumania, 
and the Prince set out for the Crimea on August 14. 
After a smooth sea passage Odessa was reached on 
the 16th, and the Prince continued his journey to 
Sebastopol the following day on board the imperial 
yacht Kasbek. The aspect of this once prosperous 
port was melancholy in the extreme, and it almost 
seemed as if time had stood still since the date of 
the terrible siege. All the large buildings near 
the harbour, such as barracks and warehouses, 
remained in the state in which the British and 
French shells had left them. In riding round the 
south front of the fortress the Prince easily recog- 
nised the approaches and parallels of the Allies : 
the Malakhoff Tower had been so effectually bom- 
barded that it was difficult to believe how strong 
a work it had once been ; the Redan, on the other 
hand, which had cost England so many lives, was 
in comparatively good condition. 

Continuing his journey by carriage the next 
morning, Prince Charles reached Livadia at five 
in the afternoon after a long and fatiguing drive. 
The Czar received him with the greatest cor- 


diality, and remarked at once that the courteous 
attitude of the Prince was enough to attract the 
animosity of the whole of Europe. The conver- 
sation then turned upon the affairs of Roumania, 
about which the Czar showed himself well informed 
on every point. Prince Charles was then pre- 
sented to the Czarina, a cousin of his mother, to the 
Grand Duchess Marie, and later on to the Czare- 
vitch and his wife, as well as to the Grand Duke 
Alexis. Unfortunately the tropical heat affected 
both the Czar and his guest to no slight degree, 
and the pleasure of the meeting was thus materially 
discounted. As early as August 22 Prince Charles 
was forced to bid his hospitable hosts good-bye, 
that he might attend the Roumanian manoeuvres 
before his visit to his parents in Germany. 

The fears, which had been openly expressed, for 
the safety of Roumania during the Prince's absence 
proved to have been utterly unfounded, for, though 
the papers, the Romanul and the Trajan, emulated 
each other in their attacks upon the dynasty, their 
revolutionary efforts met with no response at all, 
and it was therefore with a light heart that Prince 
Charles set out on September 7 to rejoin his dearly 
loved parents in South Germany. Before he 
quitted the territory of Roumania an amnesty was 
granted for all political and Press offences, in 
order to show the Prince's confidence that no 
intrigue was able to shake his hold upon the hearts 
of his people. 


The journey to the West, which was to exert 
so potent an influence on the Prince's life, was 
broken first at Vienna, where the Emperor of 
Austria had announced his intention of receiving 
the Roumanian Prince. For the first time since the 
war of 1866 the Emperor wore the ribbon of the 
Black Eagle, as a compliment to the house of 
Hohenzollern. Prince Charles seized the oppor- 
tunity of assuring his Majesty that it would 
always be the policy of Roumania to stand on the 
best terms with Austria. Count Beust, who ven- 
tured to remark that the cost of the Roumanian 
Army was out of all proportion to its Budget, 
received the apt retort that the arsenals were 
unfortunately empty, a reference to the Count's 
statement that " Roumania was simply a large 
arsenal." The reception accorded to the Prince 
was so hearty that the Viennese Press expressed 
the opinion that Prince Charles would later on 
have to answer to the Porte for his assumption of 
sovereign bearing. 

After a short stay in Munich, where he met 
Prince Hohenlohe Schillingfiirst [the present 
German Chancellor], Prince Charles rejoined his 
parents on September 16, after a separation of 
more than three years. The peace and quiet of 
home life, however, was interrupted the very next 
day by the arrival of a delegate of the Spanish 
Cortes, Don Eusebio di Salazar, who came to offer 
the Hereditary Prince the Crown of Spain. The 


idea was by no means new, for several papers 
had, in October 1868, mentioned the Prince 
Leopold as a likely candidate on the ground that 
he was not only a Catholic and the son-in-law of 
the King of Portugal, but the very opposite of 
his " amiable brother, the Roumanian Prince 
Carol, by the Grace of Bratianu." There was no 
lack of candidates for the vacant throne. Napoleon 
favoured the aspirations of the Prince of Asturia, 
the Empress Eugenie those of Don Carlos, and 
the Spanish Ambassador in Paris those of the 
Duke of Genoa. Don Salazar mentioned that the 
eyes of the Spanish nation had first turned 
towards Prince Charles, who had shown such 
courage and talent in a similar position. The 
Hereditary Prince declared that he would only 
consider the offer if he was elected unanimously 
and without rivals. 

On September 28 Prince Charles left the Wein- 
burg for Baden, where he was to meet the Prussian 
Royal Family. The Crown Prince urged him to 
lay aside all other views, and to seek the hand 
of Princess Elisabeth of Wied, whom he knew 
intimately, as one who would bring the same 
devotion to the duties of her position as the 
Prince himself. He concluded by offering to 
arrange a meeting, as if by chance, at Darmstadt 
on the 13th, to which proposal Prince Charles at 
once assented. 

In the meantime, the Prince paid a promised 


visit to the French Emperor, whom he found 
much altered in personal appearance since the last 
time he had seen him in 1863. Napoleon 
received him with great cordiality and presented 
him with the Grand Cross of the Legion of 
Honour. Prince Charles was commissioned to 
inform King William of the peaceful intentions of 
France, and of the Emperor's sincere wish to 
remain on the best terms with Prussia. Napoleon 
declared that no one could understand the diffi- 
culties of Prince Charles's position better than he, 
for to rule a Latin race was no easy matter. On 
hearing of the projected marriage, Napoleon 
expressed his satisfaction, and added with em- 
phasis : " The German princesses are so well 
brought up ! " 

As the interview with Princess Elisabeth was 
to take place at Cologne instead of Darmstadt, 
Prince Charles set out for the former city on 
October 12. The meeting took place at the Flora, 
where the Dowager Princess of Wied was dining 
with her daughter before proceeding to Madame 
Schumann's concert. Prince Charles and Princess 
Elisabeth, who had already met once or twice 
before in Berlin society, walked a little ahead of 
the remainder of the party, talking over old times 
in Berlin. Before the promenade came to an end, 
Prince Charles had fallen sincerely in love with 
Princess Elisabeth, and was resolved to risk all, 
and to ask for her hand. A private interview with 


her mother the Princess of Wied was arranged, 
and resulted in the Princess consenting to ascer- 
tain her daughter's wishes. After a long quarter 
of an hour the answer " Yes " was brought to the 
Prince, who at once hastened to receive the reply 
from the lips of the young Princess herself. Affairs 
of State of an urgent nature, however, prevented 
the Prince from obeying the dictates of his heart 
and remaining in the company of his betrothed. 

After an absence of forty-eight hours Prince 
Charles returned from Paris to Neuwied, where the 
betrothal was celebrated on October 15, 1869. An 
enormous number of congratulatory telegrams 
were received by the young couple, including 
messages from the King and Crown Prince of 
Prussia and the Emperor Napoleon. The general 
impression created by Prince Charles's choice was 
extremely favourable, as an alliance with a reign- 
ing House would have evoked much jealousy and 
intrigue. As the marriage was purely one of 
inclination this danger was avoided ; and the 
political neutrality of Roumania was by no means 

Affairs of State demanded the speedy return of 
the Prince to the land of his adoption, and the 
wedding-day was fixed for November 15. A 
numerous and distinguished company, including 
the Queen of Prussia, accompanied by the Grand 
Duchess of Baden, attended the ceremony at 
Neuwied, which was first celebrated in the Roman 


Catholic Chapel and afterwards according to the 
rites of the Protestant Church. The text of the 
sermon was aptly chosen, as alluding to the 
difficulties and troubles which were to be 
encountered in the far-off Eastern country : 
" Whither thou goest, I will go : and where thou 
lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my 
people, and thy God my God." 

Only a few days remained before the stern call 
of duty summoned the happy pair to their life- 
work in Roumania. The journey to the Princess's 
new home in Bucharest was commenced on 
November 18. After a short stay in Vienna the 
travellers reached Roumanian territory on the 
22nd. Every town through which they passed was 
profusely decorated, and the enthusiasm of the 
Roumanian nation appeared to surpass even that 
with which they had welcomed Prince Charles on 
his accession. A hundred and one guns announced 
the arrival of the Prince and Princess in Bucharest, 
and the town had put on all its finery in honour 
of the occasion. After a Te Deum had been 
celebrated by the venerable Metropolitan Niphon, 
fifty happy couples who had been married at the 
cost of the State defiled past their Highnesses. 

The following day deputations from all parts of 
the country were received in the throne-room, 
when the Princess wore for the first time the 
diamond coronet presented by the people of 


Princess Elisabeth at once commenced to take 
an active share in her husband's labours, and 
visited with him the various charitable and 
educational establishments in the capital. The 
innate generosity and liberality of the Prince had, 
however, made such inroads upon his purse, that 
many of their cherished designs had to be 
abandoned for the time being for lack of funds. 
At this moment, however, the most prominent 
members of the Chamber were on the point of 
introducing a measure granting the Princess a 
yearly sum of 12,000, but Prince Charles declined 
to accept this offer until the financial situation of 
Eoumania had improved. The Opposition at once 
seized the opportunity of representing such a 
proposal as a "robbery," and their organs vied 
with each other in the most violent and unworthy 
attacks on the Prince and Princess. Some even 
lowered themselves so far as to send the grossest 
of these attacks to the Princess in registered 
letters ! The violent scenes and the obstruction 
in the Chamber left the Budget unvoted, and 
again placed the Ministry in a most unenviable 
position, from which they were only released by 
their resignation in February 1870. 

The new Ministry under A. Golesku displayed 
its weakness from the day of its formation. The 
Opposition openly used threats such as : " This 
dynasty cannot be endured," " Golesku will be 
the last of Prince Charles's Ministers," and 


declared that a " bloody tragedy " would shortly 
be enacted in the streets of the capital. A far- 
spreading conspiracy against the peace of the 
country made itself the more felt, since there were 
no police worthy of the name ; the National Guard 
also was a source of real danger, whilst the apathy 
of the Ministry permitted these evils to flourish 

The question of the Spanish throne appeared to 
have been satisfactorily dismissed, to judge from a 
letter from Count Bismarck : " The political 
horizon, seen from Berlin, appears at present so 
unclouded that there is nothing of interest to 
report, and I only hope that no unexpected event 
will render the lately arisen hope of universal 
peace questionable." Eight days later, on March 1, 
Prince Charles received the news that Don Salazar 
had been despatched to Berlin to urge once more 
upon Prince Leopold the acceptance of the Spanish 
crown, but both he and his father felt disinclined 
to accept this offer, unless it was considered 
absolutely necessary to the interests of the 
Prussian State. Bismarck, on the other hand, 
warmly supported the offer of the Spanish 
Regency, and pointed out to the King the benefits 
which must ensue if an allied country lay upon 
the other side of France. The commerce of 
Germany would also receive a great impetus if 
the resources of Spain, with its enormous sea-board, 
were developed under a Hohenzollern. King 


William, however, did not agree with his 
Minister's opinion, and left the decision entirely 
in the hands of Prince Leopold, whose chief objec- 
tion appeared to be the number of pretenders to 
the throne. The Crown Prince of Prussia had 
also warned him that, though the Government 
might support him at first, it was by no means 
certain that this support would be continued after- 
wards ! On March 16 Prince Leopold informed 
the King that he felt compelled to decline the 
offer ; but, as Bismarck still insisted upon the 
throne being accepted by a Hohenzollern, his 
younger brother, Prince Frederick, was recalled 
from Italy by telegram to take the place of his 
brother. The young Prince, however, also refused 
to accept the offered crown unless ordered to do 
so by the King. Nevertheless, in spite of opposi- 
tion, the Chancellor persisted in declaring that 
the necessities of politics demanded that a Hohen- 
zollern Prince should accede to the wish of the 
Spanish Regency. 

" From PRINCE CHABLES ANTHONY, March 20, 1870. 

" I have been here [Berlin] for a fortnight on 
most important family business : nothing less was 
on the tapis than the acceptance or refusal of the 
Spanish crown by Leopold, which was offered 
officially by the Spanish Government, though 
under the seal of a European State secret. 

" This question preoccupies everybody here. Bis- 


marck wishes it to be accepted for dynastic 
and political reasons ; whilst the King asks 
whether Leopold will willingly accept the sum- 
mons. A very interesting and important council 
took place on the 15th, under the presidency of 
the King, the Crown Prince, ourselves, Bismarck, 
Boon, Moltke, Schleinitz, Thile, and Delhi-tick 
being present. The unanimous decision of the 
councillors was in favour of acceptance, as fulfilling 
a Prussian patriotic duty. For many reasons 
Leopold, after a long struggle, declined. But 
since Spain desires avant tout a Catholic Hohen- 
zollern, I have proposed Fritz in the event of his 
consenting. He is at present between Nice and 
Paris, but has not been reached or found by 
telegraph. We hope, however, to communicate 
with him shortly, and I hope that he will then 
allow himself to be persuaded. 

" But all this is in the future and the secret 
must be preserved for the present. ..." 

Prince Charles Anthony informed his son of the 
course of events in a letter dated from Berlin, 
April 22 : 

" The Spanish Question has again brought me 
here ; it is now approaching its decisive stage. 
After Leopold refused the offer for weighty 
reasons, the candidature of Fritz was seriously 
taken in hand. An immediate settlement was 
necessary, as pressure was brought to bear from 


Madrid ; your brother, however, most decidedly 
declared that he could not undertake the task! 
The matter must therefore be allowed to drop, 
and an historical opportunity has thus been lost 
for the house of Hohenzollern, an incident which 
has never occurred before and which probably will 
never occur again. ... If the King had given the 
order at the last hour, Fritz would have obeyed ; 
but as he was left free to decide, he resolved not 
to undertake the task. . . . The Spanish secret 
has been kept wonderfully well ; and it is of the 
utmost importance that it should remain unknown 
in the future at least so far as we are concerned. 
Olozaga* in Paris was not initiated. Serrano and 
Prim were the men who held the matter in their 

A month later Prince Charles Anthony wrote : 
"Bismarck is very discontented with the failure of 
the Spanish combination. He is not wrong ! Still 
the matter is not yet completely given up. It 
still hangs by a couple of threads, as weak as 
those of a spider's web ! " 

To return, however, to the affairs of Roumania ; 
Prince Charles opened the new mint at Bucharest 
in March, when the first Roumanian coins bearing 
a profile of the Prince and the in scrip tion " Prince 
of the Roumanians " were struck. The coins con- 
* The Spanish Ambassador. 


sisted of Carols d'w in gold and one leu (franc) in 
silver. Ali Pacha at once protested formally 
against the illegal coinage with the Prince's like- 
ness, and refused to allow it to circulate in Turkey. 
Owing, however, to the support of Austria and 
France, this difficulty was eventually smoothed 
over satisfactorily. 

Financial difficulties, coupled with the unsat- 
isfactory reports on the Roumanian railway 
concessions, led to the fall of the Golesku Ministry 
in April. M. E. C. Jepureanu succeeded in 
forming a new Cabinet, which received cordial 
support from abroad as well as at home. The 
vexatious Jewish question and the very serious 
state of the railway finances, for which the 
Opposition sought to make the Prince personally 
responsible, were the chief of the many difficulties 
of the Government. 

The result of the general election was by no 
means as favourable as the Prince had been led to 
expect, and a serious riot occurred at Pite'schti. 
The troops were called out and ordered to fire 
upon the mob, several of the soldiers having been 
wounded by stones. Similar occurrences took 
place at Plojeschti, a regular hot-bed of seditious 
intrigue, and the National Guard of that town had 
to be subsequently disbanded for taking part in 
the political demonstrations. 

The attention of Prince Charles was suddenly 
averted by a change in his eldest brother's views 


with regard to the Spanish throne. Prince 
Leopold had at last decided to accept the crown 
under certain definite conditions, as he had become 
convinced of the great services which he could 
thus render to his Fatherland. King William at 
once gave his consent, and Don Salazar returned 
to Madrid on June 23 with the news of Prince 
Leopold's readiness to accept the crown. An 
unfortunate mistake in a cypher telegram caused 
the Cortes to be prorogued from June 24 to 
October 31, and the election of Prince Leopold 
was therefore delayed until late in the autumn, 
thus offering ample opportunities to malcontents 
for the prosecution of intrigues and agitations 
against the Hohenzollern candidature. 

The Agence Havas reported from Madrid on 
July 3 that the Spanish Ministry had decided 
upon the candidature of the Hereditary Prince of 
Hohenzollern, and that a deputation were already 
on their way to the Prince. This news caused 
the greatest excitement throughout Paris, and the 
French Ambassador at Berlin was commissioned 
to express to -the Foreign Office the "painful sur- 
prise" caused by these tidings. The Prussian 
Secretary of State replied that the matter did not 
concern the Prussian Government. The excite- 
ment of the Parisian Press increased from hour to 
hour, whilst the Due de Gramont, in an interview 
with the Prussian Ambassador, declared that the 
Emperor would never tolerate the candidature of 


a Hohenzollern Prince ; and M. Ollivier, who was 
also present, expressed the same opinion. Gramont 
also openly accused Prince Charles of having 
induced his brother to take this step, and re- 
marked to M. Strat, the Roumanian agent : " As 
soon as Prince Charles conspires against the 
interests of France, it is only fair that we should 
do our best to overthrow him, and we shall at 
once commence action in the event of a war with 
Prussia, in order to satisfy public opinion, which 
has so often reproached the Emperor with having 
sent a Hohenzollern to the Danube." 

King William wrote to Prince Charles Anthony 
on the 10th, mentioning that France was obviously 
bent upon war, and that he was as willing to sanction 
Leopold's withdrawal as he had formerly been to 
assent to his acceptance of the offered throne. 
Two days later the Hereditary Prince withdrew 
his name by means of a telegram from his father 
to Marshal Prim : 

" Having regard to the complicated interests 
which appear to oppose the candidature of my son 
Leopold for the Spanish throne, and the painful 
position which recent events have created for the 
Spanish people by offering them an alternative 
where their sense of liberty alone can guide them, 
and being convinced that under such circum- 
stances their votes, on which my son counted in 
accepting the candidature, can neither be sincere 


nor spontaneous, I withdraw from the position in 
his name. 


" SIGMARINGEN, July 12th, 1870." 

The unexpected and unheard-of demands which 
Benedetti was forced by his Government to sub- 
mit to King William at Ems shattered the last 
hopes of peace, and France declared war against 

In spite of the nationality of their Prince, the 
Roumanian nation sided entirely with France : 
" Wherever the banner of France waves, there are 
our sympathies and interests." The Chamber 
demanded that the Government should explain 
the policy it intended to adopt with regard to the 
belligerent parties, but, though the Ministry- 
adhered to a strictly neutral attitude, a motion 
was passed to the effect that the sympathies of 
Houmania would always be with the Latin race. 

The Roumanian agent in Paris, M. Strat, tele- 
graphed to know whether, in the event of Russia 
taking part in thewar, the Roumanian Government 
would conclude a treaty with France or not ! The 
apparently peaceable intentions of Russia pointed 
to a treaty merely on paper, notwithstanding 
which Roumania would reap advantages at the 
conclusion of peace. Austria had been sounded 
on this question, and approved of supporting 
Prince Charles. 


The Roumanian Government replied : " If France 
categorically demands from us the signature of a 
treaty to influence our attitude towards Russia in 
the event of Oriental complications, you are em- 
powered to conclude such a treaty on the follow- 
ing basis : the Roumanian Government is resolved 
to oppose any hostile movement of Russia hand-in- 
hand with the Western Powers and Turkey. 
Mavrogheni has been specially sent to England 
to negotiate to the same end. We can place a 
well-equipped army of 30,000 men into the 

The Times, on July 26, published a draft of a 
treaty drawn up in 1867, in which France offered 
Prussia the union of the North German Con- 
federation with South Germany and a united Par- 
liament in return for the sacrifice of Belgium and 
Luxemburg. This epoch-making announcement 
was confirmed by a despatch from Count Bis- 
marck, received on the 29th. Count Benedetti, 
in whose handwriting and on whose paper this 
draft was written, maintained that he had merely 
put down the Chancellor's ideas, "as it were at 
his dictation," a statement which caused the 
greatest surprise even in the French Press. 

The minor engagement at Saarbriicken, the 
" baptism by fire " of the unfortunate Prince 
Imperial, was reported as a great French victory, 
and greeted as such with unbounded enthusiasm by 
the inhabitants of Bucharest. These rejoicings 


were, however, cut short by the news of the 
German victories at Weissenburg, Worth, and 
Spichern, when the Imperial Army was forced 
to retreat on Metz. In consequence of these 
disasters the Gramont-Ollivier Ministry was 
defeated, and a new Cabinet formed under Count 

A most interesting letter from Prince Charles 
Anthony was received at Bucharest on August 1 6 : 

" I decidedly support Strat, for he has proved 
himself a devoted and faithful servant to you and 
to our family. 

" He arrived at Sigmaringen at a moment 
when the French Government was peculiarly 
exasperated. It was from him that I learnt the 
actual spirit and intention in Paris ; it was due 
to him that I published Leopold's renunciation 
twenty-four hours earlier perhaps than I should 
have done without his urgent advice. In neutral- 
ising the French pretext for war, by making the 
renunciation public at the right moment, the 
Franco-Prussian War has, perhaps, become a 
popular, i.e., a German, war. Any delay on my 
part would have given the war a dynastic com- 
plexion, and the whole of Southern Germany 
would have left Prussia in the lurch. . . . 
Napoleon has brought about the unity of 
Germany in twenty-four hours." 

The excitement in Roumania culminated in an 


attempted revolution in that hot-bed of sedition, 
Plojeschti, on August 29, when the militia bar- 
racks were stormed and a proclamation issued, 
deposing Prince Charles and appointing General 
A. Golesku regent ad interim. A deputy, Can- 
dianu Popesku, at the head of the mob, entered 
the telegraph office and, revolver in hand, 
threatened to shoot the clerks, unless they tele- 
graphed the news of the deposition of the Prince 
to the foreign countries and the larger towns of 
Roumania. With admirable presence of mind the 
clerks reported the occurrence to the Ministry at 
Bucharest instead of complying with the insur- 
gents' demands. A battalion of Rifles under 
Major Gorjan was immediately despatched to the 
scene of the insurrection, which they promptly 
quelled. Both General Golesku and J. Bratianu, 
who appeared to be implicated in these affairs, 
were arrested at once, but were soon released by 
order of Prince Charles, who expressed his con- 
viction that the insurgents had used their names 
without any authorisation. On being arrested, 
Bratianu begged that his papers might be left 
undisturbed, for, as he remarked with a smile, he 
was "too experienced a conspirator" to retain 
possession of compromising documents. Some 
twenty persons were arrested in connection with 
this aifair, though, as Prince Charles wrote to his 
father, it seemed improbable that there was suffi- 
cient evidence to convict them. 


The news of a great battle fought near Sedan 
caused the wildest excitement in Bucharest, and 
elaborate arrangements were made to celebrate a 
French victory. Rumours were current that King 
William had been taken prisoner with a force 
varying from 20,000 to 60,000 men, but a tele- 
gram announcing the voluntary surrender of the 
Emperor seemed to point, at any rate, to an 
undecided action. When the truth became 
known the greatest consternation prevailed in 
the Roumanian capital, where, in spite of the 
earlier German victories, the hope of the eventual 
success of the French arms had never been quite 
relinquished. The crowning defeat of the Imperial 
Army was followed by the flight of the Empress - 
Regent and the fall of the Napoleonic dynasty. 

The birth of a daughter, Marie, on September 8, 
at a moment when the whole of Germany stood 
shoulder to shoulder against their foe, was wel- 
comed by the Prince and Princess as a happy 
omen for the future. In accordance with the 
Constitution the child was baptised according to 
the rites of the Orthodox Church in the church of 
Cotroceni, on October 13, in the presence of the 
heads of the military and civil departments. A 
salute of twenty-one guns announced the moment 
of the ceremony to the capital. 

The joyful news of the birth of a Princess was 
communicated to the various Courts and to the 
deposed French Emperor, who replied as follows : 



" I thank you for the letter which you have 
kindly written to inform me of the birth of 
Princess Marie. I shall always take a lively 
interest in all that contributes to your happiness ; 
and I pray that family joys may sweeten the 
bitterness inseparable from power. I am much 
touched by the memories you have preserved of 
your visit to Paris, and I again assure you of the 
sentiments of sincere friendship with which I 

" Your most Serene Highness's cousin, 


The call of duty, however, prevented Prince 
Charles from devoting as much time as he other- 
wise would have done to his wife and daughter, 
for the disquieting effects of the German victories 
upon French soil were felt only too plainly in 
Roumania. The work on the railways, too, had 
suffered in consequence of the war, whilst the 
exports of grain had practically fallen to zero. 
Farmers and peasants were unable to sell their 
produce except at ruinous prices, and were wholly 
unable to pay their taxes. As the Prince had 
prophesied six weeks before, the Plojeschti insur- 
gents were all acquitted by the jury. The Ministry 
wished to resign as a proof of their disapprobation, 
but Prince Charles was unable to accede to their 


The acquittal of those who had sought to over- 
throw the Government confirmed the Prince in 
his intention to abdicate as soon as he could 
assure himself that the country would not lapse 
into absolute anarchy. He had already assured 
the representatives of the Great Powers that the 
present state of affairs in Roumania could not 
and must not continue. Prince Charles, however, 
did not inform them that he would not be 
beholden to any foreign intervention for his future 
career, and that, in his father's words, he would 
relinquish his self-imposed task if he could not 
"anchor his power solely and exclusively in 
Roumania." He felt that it would be impossible 
for him to govern the country after foreign inter- 
vention had taken place. 

Prince Charles had taken a solemn oath to the 
Constitution, and therefore could not depart from 
it, though Roumanian statesmen of both parties 
had frequently represented to him that, when a 
choice had to be made between a " sheet of paper 
and a country's ruin," one must not hesitate 
to tear up the paper. It was, however, impossible 
for Prince Charles to agree to this view, for the 
Constitution was more to him than a piece of 
paper, even though it offered him no means of 
securing the prosperity and development of the 

In the meantime the action of Russia in de- 
claring its intention of disregarding the neutrali- 


sation of the Black Sea, decreed by the Treaty of 
Paris in 1856, threatened to create yet another 
European crisis. When the Note containing this 
information was handed to the Grand Vizier, he 
at once asked whether M. de Stahl was bringing 
him war. " On the contrary," replied the Ambas- 
sador, " I bring you eternal peace." Before this 
General Ignatieff had endeavoured to persuade 
the Turkish statesmen that, though the Western 
Powers endeavoured to represent Russia as the 
evil genius of Turkey, she was in reality the most 
sincere ally of the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan 
would never be able to reckon on Germany, whose 
policy would always be selfish and ambitious. 
Austria, too, was only intent on annexing Bosnia 
and Herzegowina, whilst France, on the other 
hand, as soon as she had recovered from her 
reverses, would, next to Russia, be the most 
effective supporter of Turkey. The Sublime Porte 
was convinced that Russia had obtained the con- 
sent of Germany, though Count Bismarck had 
telegraphed that the Russian declaration had been 
a painful surprise to him. 

The Note created a storm of indignation in 
Austria and England, which Bismarck increased 
still more by proposing the assembly of a Con- 
ference in London to settle the vexed question. 

After a long discussion with the President of 
the Ministry, Prince Charles decided to explain 
the situation in Roumania to the guaranteeing 


Powers. The wording of the document, however, 
caused great difficulties, for, if the Prince declared 
his firm intention of abdicating, the country would 
be exposed to the danger of annexation, whereas 
the Prince wished above all things to preserve the 
autonomy of the State, and to assure its future 
prosperity by strengthening the hands of the 
Government. Prince Charles in these letters 
expressed his regret that he was no longer able 
to curb the passions of the various Roumanian 
parties, and therefore suggested that the future of 
Roumania should be regulated by the proposed 
Congress. Only a stable and a strong government 
could remedy the internal and external evils of 
the country, which at present was in the most 
deplorable condition, despite the wealth of its 
resources. The letters for the sovereigns of the 
guaranteeing Powers were handed to their repre- 
sentatives on December 7, except that addressed 
to the Sultan, which was kept back until a reply 
was received from the British Ambassador, who 
had been asked to present it to the Sultan, to 
ensure the document being kept strictly secret. 

These letters had hardly been despatched when 
the following telegram was received from Count 
Bismarck by the Prussian Consul-General : 

" Advocate His Highness delaying any decision 
to appeal to the guaranteeing Powers until after 
the conclusion of peace. Any Roumanian com- 


plication would be doubly undesirable at present : 
the Prince could not even hope for our moral 

Prince Charles replied that this advice had 
reached him too late, and that complications in 
the East could not possibly arise, as the docu- 
ments in question were to be kept private. So 
far as he was concerned personally his position 
was neither of service to Roumania nor to Europe, 
whilst he himself was exposed to contumely ; he 
therefore could not much longer continue to bear 
the responsibilities of government. 

To crown the difficulties of the Prince's position 
information reached him on December 18 that 
the railway contractor was unwilling or unable to 
pay the coupon of the bonds due on January 1. 
The blow was indeed a bitter one, for the thought 
that it was to him that Roumania owed its railway 
system had always been one of comfort. It 
suggested at least one service which he had been 
able to render his adopted country. Now that even 
this last consolation had been taken from him, Prince 
Charles was still more firmly convinced that he 
could not forsake Roumania in its day of peril, 
and that his cherished plan of abdication must 
not take place until this serious financial trouble 
had been settled. 

It was during these dark days that he poured 
out his innermost thoughts to his truest friend, 


his father : " When once this enormous difficulty 
has been surmounted I shall be able to say that 
I have stood the ordeal of fire ; then the cruel 
sport will be finished ; then you will find me some 
spot where I can rest my weary head some 
quiet remote corner where one can entirely forget 
oneself for a time. Switzerland would be the 
most welcome to me ; there we might blot out the 
hard separation of five years in your company, 
my dearest parents. But for the present these 
are but pious wishes, since I cannot to-day fix the 
moment of their fulfilment : may it not be long in 
coming ! " 

The Chamber found worthy representatives 
the chief instigators of the recent insurrection to 
convey the scandalously worded address to the 
ruler who had never a thought save for the 
welfare and prosperity of his country. 

In reply to that passage of the Speech from 
the Throne referring to the Plojeschti sedition 
" A free government, that is, one which is always 
in agitation, cannot maintain itself without laws 
capable de correction " the Chamber declared 
that " the best means to prevent such occurrences 
in the future would be compliance with the 
wishes of the people and respect for the law ! " 
Prince Charles informed his Ministers that he 
could not accept an address couched in such 
terms, but eventually gave way to their prayers 
and entreaties that he would not offer the 


Opposition such an opportunity for attacking the 
dynasty. The ill-considered action of passionate 
and reckless Deputies, they urged, would only 
gain an importance which it otherwise would have 
lacked, from the fact of the Prince refusing to 
acknowledge it. 

A most interesting document, dated Decem- 
ber 22, 1870, the publication of which at a later 
period had so far-reaching an effect on the 
Roumanian nation, contains the reasons which led 
Prince Charles to confess himself beaten. 

" Nearly five years have now passed since I 
formed the bold resolution of placing myself 
at the head of this country, so richly endowed 
by Mother Nature, and yet, in other respects, so 
poor. On reviewing this period, so short in the 
life of a nation, so long in the existence of a man, 
I must confess that I have not been able to be 
of much use to this beautiful country. I often 
ask myself the question, ' At whose door does 
the fault lie at mine, in being ignorant of the 
character of this nation, or at that of the nation, 
which will neither allow itself to be guided nor 
understand how to guide itself ? ' 

" My numerous journeys in all parts of the two 
Principalities, and my many-sided intercourse with 
all grades of society have almost convinced me 
that the real blame rests not on me personally, 
nor on the majority of the nation, but rather on 


those who have constituted themselves the leaders 
of the country which gave them birth. These 
men, the greater number of whom owe their 
social and political education to foreign countries, 
and have thereby only too thoroughly forgotten 
the condition of their own country, aim solely at 
transplanting to their Fatherland the ideas they 
have gained abroad by casting them into Utopian 
form, without having tested them. This un- 
fortunate country, which formerly suffered so 
much oppression, has thus passed at one bound 
from a despotic government to a Liberal con- 
stitution such as no other nation in Europe 

" My experiences lead me to consider this the 
greater misfortune since the Roumanians can 
boast of none of the citizenly virtues which 
appertain to such a quasi-republican form of State. 

"Had I not taken to my heart this magnificent 
country, for which, under other circumstances, the 
richest future might have been foretold, I should 
have lost patience long ago ; but I have now made 
one final effort which will perhaps cause me to 
appear unkind to my country in the eyes of the 
parties, as well as in those of the national 
Roumanian leaders, by putting all personal con- 
siderations behind me, and possibly by completely 
sacrificing my popularity ; it would, however, have 
been an inexcusable neglect of duty to conceal 
this evil any longer, or to permit the country's 


future to be sacrificed to party intrigues. The 
man who has the courage to speak the truth and 
to call things by their right names will often get 
the worst of the bargain, and this in all proba- 
bility will be my fate. Yet I gratefully recognise 
this difference, that I am at liberty to return to 
an independent life, free from care, to the joys of 
home and family in my native land, that powerful 
magnet which has never ceased to attract me in 
the heavy hours through which I have been 

" I regret with my whole heart that my good 
intentions have been so misconstrued and rewarded 
by ingratitude ; but, since I share this fate with 
the majority of mortals, I shall learn to console 
myself and by degrees forget what once I aimed 
at, in intercourse with congenial spirits. I 
shall accept the address of the Chamber to- 
morrow, a masterpiece of Phanariot perfidy, the 
contents of which will reach you through the 
papers. The only circumstance which can justify 
my acceptance of a document in which a legisla- 
tive body dares to speak to the Sovereign of 
conditional allegiance is the serious financial 
situation of the country, threatened as it is by 
bankruptcy. Just as in private life the disapproval 
of an action can only affect the agent, so in this 
case the entire responsibility falls on the shoulders 
of those who do not understand how to honour 
the Prince whom they have themselves chosen a 


man dishonours himself when he does not know 
how to respect that which he has himself created. 

" C." 

A series of passionate debates, which at times 
threatened to end in violence, resulted in a vote 
of no confidence in the Ministry on December 24. 
Prince Jon Ghika succeeded in forming what must 
under the circumstances be termed a strong 
Ministry, and declared that his policy lay in 
effecting a compromise between the Prince, who 
had lost all confidence in the country, and the 
representatives of the people. 

The North German Consul- General handed the 
following letter from Prince Bismarck to the 
Prince on January 19, 1871, dated from Versailles, 
January 10 : 

"... I cannot form an opinion of the internal 
conditions of Roumania, nor of the means at the 
disposal of your Highness for conquering the pre- 
vailing difficulties and establishing your govern- 
ment on a secure footing. 

" I must assume that the impediments, due to 
the character and previous history of the nation, 
almost prohibit an orderly existence for the State, 
since the noble intentions and the pure ideals which 
animate your Highness have hitherto failed to 
create institutions which would assist the execution 
of your plans. Your Highness alone can judge 


whether any hope still exists that these institutions 
may yet be created. . . . 

" No matter what the causes are, nor how many 
misunderstandings and misrepresentations have 
contributed to the result, it is certain that the 
distrust of the Porte has not been allayed, and 
that it is still unconvinced that the union of the 
Principalities under the rule of your Highness is 
not dangerous to its suzerainty. Nor is it con- 
fident that the conditions, which might force 
your Highness to abdicate, will be more dis- 
quieting to the peace of the East than the present 

" The English Government has never taken an 
interest in the Danube Principalities nor in the 
fortunes of your Highness personally, and the 
attitude of its representatives abroad does not at 
present appear to inspire confidence. Although I 
do not positively pre-suppose a hostile feeling in 
London, it may be accepted as certain that on 
this question England's policy will not greatly 
differ from that of the Sultan. 

"At this moment France, of course, need not 
be taken into consideration, except so far as there 
is a possibility of her opposing your Highness by 
intrigues and secret agitation in the hope of doing 
Prussia some ill-turn or injury. . . . 

" I have for a long time cherished the hope that 
your Highness would find effectual support in St. 
Petersburg, and have therefore always recom- 


mended cordial relations with Russia. Even now 
I do not doubt the personal views of his 
Majesty the Czar, who, I am sure, retains the best 
and most friendly wishes for your person. But 
I have been regretfully forced to recognise, 
especially of late, that this personal good-will is 
out-weighed by the traditional conception of 
Bussian policy, which is opposed to the union of 
the Principalities. The fact that your Highness 
must expect no support from Eussia, not even in 
diplomacy, is in accordance with this traditional 
policy, whilst the hostile attitude towards your 
Highness in Vienna appears to me to lack any 
logical explanation, considered from the stand- 
point of Austro-Hungarian policy. 

" It is only natural that your Highness should 
look to the illustrious Head of your house, to 
Prussia and Germany. Your Highness is well 
aware of the views with which his Majesty the 
King regards your person, but you know also that 
the present military situation renders it impossible 
for Germany to intervene effectually in Eastern 
affairs under the circumstances we have been con- 

" On reviewing all these considerations I can 
only arrive at the conclusion that your Highness 
cannot expect any outside assistance, but rather 
ill-will, and that your decisions must be based 
solely upon the means of support which are 
still left to you in your own country. If you 


expect a crisis, for the defeat of which you consider 
the better elements of the country insufficient, it 
appears to be a duty to yourself and to your house 
that your every decision should be really indepen- 
dent and voluntary, and should not seem to be 
forced upon you by foreign force ; and the high 
and noble motives which guide your Highness 
should stand prominently forth. 

" It pains me to be able to give no other counsel 
to your Highness and to offer you no better hopes. 
But I know that your patriotic sympathy and 
hearty joy at the successes of our German army, 
and at the glory which surrounds the revered 
head of our King, will not be affected even by the 
painful experience your Highness has endured, 
and I conclude with the hope that your wishes 
for an honourable and safe peace may soon be 

The letter addressed to the Sultan, which had 
been delayed until an answer was received from 
the British Ambassador, was eventually forwarded 
by the Prince with a voluntary explanation of the 
delay. Ali Pacha in reply expressed the concern 
with which the Sultan had heard of the critical 
situation of affairs in the Principalities. 

At the same time Prince Charles was informed 
from a trustworthy source that in Constantinople, 
as well as in other places, his position was considered 
untenable. " The Government of Prince Charles 


is universally recognised to have had its day, and 
the representatives of the Powers here are more 
occupied in considering what may happen after 
the departure of the Prince than in any scheme 
for prolonging his rule. Sir H. Elliott goes 
furthest of all, and already speaks of commissaries 
who must be sent to the Principalities, and whose 
departure he wishes to take place at once. . . ." 
The same writer, Count Keyserling, also adjured 
the Prince to hope for no outside aid. " The only 
choice, therefore, lies between the continuance of 
the present regime, to which even your Highness's 
worst foe could not advise you, and a separation 
from a country and a nation which, oblivious of 
the fact that their Prince has shown an almost 
superhuman devotion to his duties, have sinned a 
thousand times against the person of their ruler, 
whom they themselves elected, and to whom they 
took the oath of allegiance and obedience. 

" The Grand Vizier asked me in a very signi- 
ficant manner : ' Do you think that, after Prince 
Charles's experience, another Prince of a reigning 
house could be found for Roumania ? ' and then 
answered his own question : ' Except, perhaps, 
Prince Napoleon, I can think of no one ; and we 
desire to have nothing at all to do with him as 
little as with a republic. " : 

Prince Charles replied to Count Bismarck's 
letter on January 27, 1871, thanking him for the 
sympathy he had shown for the ruler of Roumania, 


if not for the country itself, and assuring him of 
the heartfelt interest and joy with which the 
recent military events in France inspired him. 
He continued : " The situation here is serious ; 
for the present I can avail myself of the Party 
intrigues to maintain my position as long as I 
consider it suitable and advisable. I have to act 
like a ship's captain, who must remain at his post 
day and night during a storm. The waves now 
sweep my ship to the skies, now dash it down to 
the depths, but as surely as God is my helper I 
will not let it be wrecked ! To-day the crew 
would willingly throw me overboard, but a 
few of them still possess sufficient intelligence 
to know that I alone can steer them safely into 

" I will not lose sight of two points ; I intend to 
bring my name clean and unspotted out of this 
turmoil, but I will not heartlessly and without a 
conscience leave le deluge apres moi. This refers, 
above all, to the finances, the desertion of which 
might be fraught with grave danger both at home 
and abroad." 

The letter already referred to, in which Prince 
Charles set forth the reasons which led him to 
think of abdicating, was published in the columns 
of the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung, and created 
the greatest excitement in Eoumania. A discus- 
sion in the Chamber upon the authenticity of this 
document took place on February 11, 1871, when 


a Deputy, N. Blaramberg, declared that either the 
letter was a forgery, or that the Prince was about 
to abdicate and leave Roumania to the tender 
mercies of its enemies. "A Prince who quits his 
country in its hour of danger may be compared to 
a deserter or a traitor to the State ! " 

The President of the Ministry was unable to 
deny the authenticity of the document, but 
assured the Chamber that the views contained in 
it, if they were ever actually current, prevailed no 
longer. Cogalniceanu then proposed the follow- 
ing counter-resolution : " The Chamber, deeply 
moved by the explanations communicated by the 
Ministry, expresses its devotion to the Throne 
and Dynasty, guaranteed by the Constitution, 
and proceeds to the order of the day with every 
confidence in the future of the country, and in 
the firm resolve to adhere to the Constitution." 

An infinitely more loyal tone prevailed in the 
Senate, where the contents of Prince Charles's 
letter were also discussed. A resolution was 
carried with only four dissentients to the effect 
that the chief duty of the Senate lay in support- 
ing the Sovereign whom the nation had so enthu- 
siastically elevated to the throne, and that the 
consolidation of the dynasty was indissolubly 
bound up with the peace, existence, and political 
development of the country. 

The reports of the Roumanian agents abroad 
showed that, though the Powers were unwilling 


to take any steps to support Prince Charles, they 
were, nevertheless, anxious that his abdication 
should be deferred for the present. The separa- 
tion of the two Principalities, each under a native 
ruler, would be acceptable to Russia, Austria, and 
England, provided no anarchical interregnum took 
place. The Sublime Porte, accordingly, was 
anxious that the Prince should remain at his post, 
until the question of his successors was definitely 
settled. As the great German Chancellor re- 
marked, it appeared that the uncertain possi- 
bilities of a catastrophe on the Lower Danube, 
coupled with the fear of further complications, had 
resulted in a sort of repentance on the part of the 
Powers for the intrigues against the consolidation 
of the Roumanian State. Austria in particular now 
saw clearly that the mistrust with which Roumania 
had always been regarded under Prince Charles, 
owing to the fear that she was merely a tool in 
the hands of Prussia, was utterly unfounded. 

Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his sorely 
tried son : 

" The description of your position has gone to 
my heart ; I have sorrowed and suffered with you. 
... I have always found that a healthy constitu- 
tionalism is the corrective for caprice, and the 
support of a strong Government, and that, where 
the system is honestly employed by both sides, it 
has always maintained itself; but where it is 


only used as a cloak for anarchical tendencies, it 
is noxious and confusing. 

" It can never injure your personal reputation 
if you lay down a task you are unable to com- 
plete. You have shown the whole world your 
good intentions and your qualifications for govern- 
ing Koumania. You did not force yourself upon 
the country, but were elected and summoned 
thither ; you have founded great institutions, 
regenerated the army and created a new system 
of communications, and conferred innumerable 
benefits on the Church and the poor ; you have 
protected the arts and sciences, and by your 
family happiness testified to the sanctity of mar- 
riage ; liberality of all kinds has been supported 
by your purse all this secures for you, if not at 
present, at least eventually, a blessed memory, 
and proves to your contemporaries, in the event of 
your abdication, that it was not the imaginary 
splendour of this veritable crown of thorns that 
blinded and deceived you, but that it was the 
shipwreck of your honest intentions and your 
thirst for useful labour that matured your decision 
and helped it to issue in act. 

" I already dream of a family life which would 
be the consolation of my old age. Looking back- 
ward to an eventful past, you would find the 
same spiritual compensation that I find in the 
peaceful life that lies before me, but with this 


difference, that a longer life than mine will be 
vouchsafed to you. . . . Krauchenwies offers a 
suitable and comfortable home, in forty minutes 
you can reach Sigmaringen. ... If Krauchenwies 
does not suit you, you might live at Inzigkofen, 
and if not at Inzigkofen, then at one of the 
Hechingen manors, such as Lindich or Villa 
Eugenia. ..." 

Yet even darker troubles lay before Prince Charles 
Anthony's courageous son, in the defalcations of 
Dr. Strousberg in the matter of the Roumanian 
railways. As the January coupon still remained 
unpaid, the Prussian Government threatened to 
use pressure to force the Roumanian Government 
to act in accordance with its guarantee. Unfor- 
tunately the Principalities were absolutely unable 
to comply with this demand, and indignant senti- 
ments prevailed regarding everything that was 
German. The passions excited amongst the popu- 
lation of Bucharest culminated in an attack on the 
German colony on the occasion of a banquet given 
in honour of the German Emperor's birthday on 
March 22, 1871. A riotous mob quickly assembled, 
broke the windows of the house, and attempted to 
force their way up to the first floor. At nine 
o'clock Major Skina hastened to the Prince and 
informed him that the demonstration, which had 
been started half an hour previously by a few 
youths, had already attained serious dimensions, 


that the windows were bombarded with stones, 
and that the police remained entirely passive. 
The Prince at once despatched his aide-de-camp to 
find the President of the Ministry and the Prefect 
of Police, but neither of them was to be found. 
The excitement increased with every minute, until 
at length the mob, having extinguished the street 
lamps, raised the cries: "To the Palace!" and 
" Long live the Republic ! " 

General Solomon, the Commandant of Bucharest, 
now occupied the streets with troops, in spite of 
the efforts of the President of the Ministry, 
Jon Ghika, to prevent so violent a course. The 
mob obeyed the order to disperse after having 
been in possession of the streets for about two and 
a half hours. 

Prince Charles received Consul-General von 
Radowitz the same night, and, after expressing his 
regret at this disgraceful occurrence, mentioned 
that he had already taken the first steps towards 
replacing the guilty Ministers. At one A.M. next 
morning Jon Ghika arrived at the Palace, and 
eventually succeeded in convincing the Prince 
that the cause of the outrage was in no way to 
be attributed to him. Prince Charles, however, 
demanded his resignation, and informed him that 
he intended to summon the Lieutenance Princiere 
in the morning to resign the reins of government 
to them. 

Accordingly at ten o'clock D. Sturdza was 


commissioned to summon the members of the 
Zieutenance Princiere of 1866 to meet the Prince 
at the Palace at half-past eleven. The Prince 
then informed them of his intention to place the 
government in their hands, after having held it 
for nearly five years. 

Lascar Catargiu and N. Golesku Colonel 
Haralambi was not in Bucharest at that time 
both adjured the Prince to abstain from a step 
which they felt convinced would bring the greatest 
misfortune upon Roumania. The State would lapse 
into complete anarchy after such an action on 
the Prince's part, and they therefore respectfully 
declined to accept the burden of such a responsi- 
bility. At length the earnest entreaties of the 
two Roumanians gained the day, and Prince 
Charles consented to reconsider his decision, if a 
strong and loyal Ministry could be formed. Should 
this be impossible, or should the Chamber decline 
to vote the Budget, he would at once leave the 

A secret sitting of the Chamber took place the 
same afternoon, when Lascar Catargiu informed 
the Deputies of the interview which had taken 
place in the morning. A passionate debate 
ensued on the question whether further negotia- 
tions with the head of the State should be 
commenced or not. In spite of the windy utter- 
ances of the leaders of the Extreme Democrats 
and Independents, it soon became apparent that 


a comparatively large majority supported the 

Lascar Catargiu succeeded in forming a Ministry 
composed of men who had already won their spurs 
in the arena of politics ; but he was unable to 
induce the Chamber to vote the Budget. The 
Chamber was therefore dissolved forthwith, and 
with it the whole agitation ceased. It had always 
been confined to the capital. 

The following letter was received from the 
Emperor William on March 30, 1871 : 

" Accept my heartiest thanks for your affec- 
tionate and welcome congratulations for the 22nd. 
This time, certainly, the day overflowed with 
feelings of gratitude towards Providence, which 
decreed that I, aided by my army and the self- 
sacrifice of my people, should achieve things, to 
expect or demand which at the commencement 
of this glorious but bloody war would have been 
presumption. The Almighty has guided and 
secured all, and we must rejoice that He has 
found us worthy to be His instruments. The 
foundations of a new German Empire have been 
laid, and the blood shed has been made into a 
mortar with which we may hope that a strong 
house will be built upon this foundation, under the 
wise guidance of my successors. 

" With heartiest greetings to the Princess, 
" I remain, your faithful Cousin and Friend, 



" P.S. I say nothing about your situation, and 
can only pray that the Lord may help you to 
choose whatever way is right and best." 

In reply, Prince Charles expressed his grief 
that March 22, an anniversary so dear to him, 
should have been troubled by such an occurrence 
in Bucharest. "Nothing could have wounded me 
more deeply than that this particular occasion 
should have been seized for the outbreak of a 
long-smouldering intrigue. . . . Having regard to 
the critical situation, especially that of the great 
and calamitous financial question, I was forced to 
take extreme steps to rally the better element 
from its apathy. I therefore summoned the 
Lieutenance, from whose hands I had received the 
reins of government in 1866, in order to return 
them their trust. Terrified by this imminent 
danger, all the Conservative factions combined to 
form the new Ministry. To-day it is a point of 
honour with me to support with all my might 
those men, who are resolved to protect the 
country against serious complications, and in con- 
junction with them to carry out the necessary 
reforms. Should these prove unattainable with 
the aid of such supporters, the country will be 
irretrievably lost. 

" It cannot be denied that the state of affairs is 
very serious, and that the creation of a better 
state of things is beset with the greatest difficulties: 


the future is hidden from me in impenetrable 
darkness. But the greater the danger, the less 
must one's courage be allowed to sink ! " 

Catargiu informed the Prince that an attempt 
was to be made on his life during the evening 
service on Good Friday, and endeavoured to per- 
suade him not to proceed to the Metropolie. 
During the procession the Ministers surrounded 
the Prince in order to protect his person, but fortu- 
nately nothing occurred to disturb the ceremony. 

Count Keyserling, who in many ways proved 
his sincere friendship and admiration for the 
Prince, wrote as follows : 

"Prince Bismarck lays special stress on your 
Highness's maintaining the very best relations 
with the Porte at this moment. Ali Pacha, for 
his part, is inclined in your favour. Your 
Highness and the present Cabinet will be sin- 
cerely supported in Constantinople by the 
Austrians : England's attitude, on the other 
hand, is thoroughly ambiguous. Lord Granville 
has spoken to the Turkish Ambassador and Count 
Apponyi in London in a strain which suggests 
that one is listening to Mr. Green, the English 
Consul in Bucharest, holding forth upon his own 
financial interests." 

The same view was held by Prince Charles 
Anthony : 


" I reserve my further views on the situation, 
because I have been unable to get any information 
about your own opinions. In any case, it was well 
to show the world by a last attempt that it was 
not from want of courage that the thought of 
abdication arose. 

" You must hold out to the limits of possibility, 
and, when once they are reached, you must 
demand guarantees that a period of stability will 
then commence, for to allow oneself to be blown 
hither and thither like a frail reed, and to depend 
upon the bon vouloir of each Ministry is no 
position for a Hohenzollern. 

" Under prevailing circumstances I can only 
give you one word of advice, and that is to lean 
upon Turkey : this Power has the greatest interest 
in the peace of Roumania the interest of self- 
preservation and she will inspire none of the 
other protecting States with distrust. . . . 

" Nothing can be done in the Strousberg affair ; 
an independent court of law alone can succeed in 
settling this impending financial difficulty. More- 
over, this Strousberg question is only an empty 
pretext and means of agitation against you ; the 
whole movement in Roumania is based upon 
hostility towards the German dynasty, and is the 
result of socialist-republican intrigue ! " 



PERHAPS the chief amongst the many obstacles 
which beset the path of Prince Charles in his task 
of raising Roumania from the depth to which it 
had sunk was the very serious state of the 
national finances. The effect of the previous 
drains upon the country's resources, and the 
expense of keeping an army prepared to meet any 
emergency, caused by the hostile attitude of 
Turkey, were thus summed up by the Prince in 
July 1866. 

" The worst wound of the country is at pre- 
sent its finances. We have not a penny, in the 
literal sense of the word, and the Ministry, in 
order to restore the equilibrium of the Budget, 
has to adopt measures which will scarcely gain 
friends for us: the taxes have to be raised; 30 per 
cent, of salaries and pensions, which have not been 
paid for four months, have to be kept back. For 
my part, I have surrendered another 12,000 ducats 
of my Civil List. Only a loan can save us now ; 


we are in communication with financiers, but their 
conditions are more than hard. With patience 
we shall yet escape from this calamity, but for 
the moment the situation is very difficult. Re- 
trenchment must be made, wherever possible." 

It is interesting to note that, whilst the receipts 
amounted to only 56,000,000 francs in the first 
year of the Prince's rule, they reached the total of 
180,000,000 in 1891, being thus more than trebled 
in twenty- five years. 

Though the financial situation was only slightly 
improved during 1867,* Prince Charles entered 
in the autumn of that year into negotiations 
with the Austrian financier, Herr von Ofenheim, 
for the construction of a railway from Suceava to 
Bucharest, passing through Jassy and Galatz. 
These negotiations, commenced as far back as 1862, 
had been allowed to drop ; and Roumania had thus 
lost the favourable moment for appealing to the 
British money market, which, moreover, was never 
at any time favourable to the enterprise. How- 
ever, Ofenheim's Syndicate, which included three 
Englishmen (amongst them Mr. T. Brassey), 
arranged for the construction of the line, which was 
to be built by sections, commencing with 110 miles 
from Suceava to Roman. How necessary railways 
were to the country is shown by the fact that 
only a quarter of the corn and wood intended for 

* The necessary expenditure was met in October 1867 by 
the issue of 10 and 12 per cent. Treasury bonds. 


export that year could be moved by ship to its 
destination. Eventually the Chamber confirmed 
the Ofenheim concession, voting 230,000 francs 
for the first section, and a subsidy of 40,000 francs 
per kilometer. 

Ofenheim only undertook to carry out the 
northern half of the concession, and ceded the 
southern portion to a Prussian syndicate, of which 
the well-known financier, Strousberg, was Chair- 
man. This syndicate was granted a concession by 
the Roumanian Chamber on October 2, 1868. 

Unfortunately for the progress of the railways, 
the question soon gave rise to heated debates in 
the Chamber. For example, on June 11, 1869? 
a great commotion was caused there by a 
charge brought against the Syndicate that it 
had extended the line unduly by a ten-mile curve 
at Barboschi (payment, it will be remembered, 
was to be made according to the mileage). 
Nevertheless, in spite of all this petty opposi- 
tion, the Prince had the satisfaction of seeing 
the first section of the Roumanian railways, con- 
necting Bukowina and Moldavia, completed on 
December 15, 1869, whilst no less than 130 miles 
of much needed high roads were opened for traffic, 
chiefly on the western frontier of Roumania. 

As the payment for the railways was to be 
governed by the completed mileage, the Finance 
Minister instructed the Roumanian Commissary 
in Berlin, Privy Councillor Ambronn, to control 


his payments by the certificates of the engineer, 
countersigned by the chief of the newly created 
Technical Bureau. This evoked an immediate 
protest from one of the concessionaries, Dr. Strous- 
berg, who threatened to appeal to the law courts 
against so unjustifiable a check on the honesty of 
the contractors. Councillor Ambronn reported 
that he felt unable to refuse payment, although 
the engineers' certificates were not countersigned, 
and further, that the proceeds of the bonds were 
deposited, partly in cash, partly in stocks bearing 
interest, at the Berlin Kassenverein. This led to 
a Parliamentary inquiry into the state of the funds 
entrusted to Councillor Ambronn, and later on to 
a unanimous resolution by the Ministry relieving 
him of his duties. Prince Charles, however, was 
of the opinion that this measure would only damage 
the credit of the railways, and declared his willing- 
ness to accept the responsibility for the railway 
construction which was thus thrust upon him by 
the country. 

However, a report from the special commissioner, 
Herr Steege, sent to Berlin in the autumn of 1870, 
placed the affair in a different light, as it was then 
discovered that the money realised by the sale of the 
railway bonds (35,000,000 francs) had been placed 
in the Joseph Jacques Bank without the consent 
of the Roumanian Government. This incorrect 
procedure on the part of the Commissary placed 
the Prince in a most unpleasant position ; for, 


though he considered it in no way desirable that 
the money should be left lying idle, he had never 
intended that it should be invested in a private 
company, and so exposed to every fluctuation of 
the market. M. Steege was therefore appointed 
to relieve Councillor Ambronn of his duties in 
connection with the railway funds. 

It seemed that the climax of the railway dis- 
pute must have been reached with December 18, 
when Strousberg informed the Government that 
he was neither able nor willing to pay the coupon 
due on January 1, and further maintained that 
this payment should be made by the State, 
though, as a matter of fact, he had paid the July 
coupon himself. The interest, it is true, was 
guaranteed by the State, but the terms of the 
concession provided that the interest should be 
paid by Strousberg 'whilst the line ivas in course 
of construction. 

The entire weight of the blow fell on Prince 
Charles ; the railways were his pet idea, nay, 
even his consolation, as a passage in one of his 
letters to his father shows. " I have at least 
done something for my country I have given it a 
railway ! " But now even that comfort had been 
taken away. 

Prince Charles, however anxious he was at that 
time to escape from his almost intolerable position 
in Roumania, felt that he could not quit his 
adopted country until he had procured justice for 


his people, and removed the slur which appeared 
to rest upon their honesty. 

Early in March 1871 M. Sturdza thus described 
the financial situation of the Principalities. The 
expenditure, but not the receipts, of the State 
had increased threefold during the last thirteen 
years ; the public debt, which in Prussia amounted 
to 2 francs a head, reached a total of 7 francs in 
Roumania, whilst 34,000,000 out of the 84,000,000 
francs received had to be devoted to the payment 
of interest, thus leaving only 50,000,000 available 
for expenditure. It was, therefore, scarcely a 
matter for surprise that the Chamber should 
openly testify to the general indignation felt by 
the nation, when the fresh burden of the interest 
on the railway bonds was thrust upon the 
resources of the country. In their wrath, how- 
ever, the deputies forgot to be just, and threw the 
whole blame on Prince Charles. Not a single 
voice was raised to point out that the Prince him- 
self suffered most from the painful situation to 
which dishonesty and carelessness had brought 
the railways. He could not be expected to know 
in detail all the requirements of such concessions. 
The only just reproach which could be made against 
him was the unconditional confidence which he, in 
his youthful enthusiasm, had placed in Strousberg 
and Ambronn, from a desire to procure the 
benefits of the railway for his country as soon as 


The attacks turned chiefly on the circumstance 
that Ambronn had been for a long time in the 
service of the Prince of Hohenzollern, though 
this was rather a reason for excusing the Prince, 
who was surely justified in employing a man 
whose honest administration had already gained 
the confidence of his father. 

As a way out of the difficulty Prince Charles 
thought that the State should pay the January 
coupon and sue Strousberg for the amount, in 
accordance with paragraph 7 of the concession. 
Unfortunately the Treasury was empty, the 
Chamber would never consent to such a measure, 
and to raise a loan was out of the question. 

To crown the disaster an official intimation was 
received from the Prussian Government that the 
coupon due must be paid by the Roumanian State, 
as the bonds were only placed on the market 
owing to the confidence inspired in the Roumanian 
State guarantee. 

Pressure was brought to bear on Roumania by 
a Note maintaining the rights of the German 
bondholders, addressed by Prince Bismarck to the 
Sublime Porte as Suzerain of the Principalities. 
The Strousberg affair thus threatened to become 
more a question de force than a question de droit. 
It appeared, moreover, that a lawsuit against 
Strousberg was out of the question, as the bond- 
holders, and not the Roumanian Government, 
were the injured parties. Needless to say, this 


opinion of the Prussian law-officers evoked great 
indignation in Rournania. 

Eventually, on January 2, 1872, the Chamber 
decided to offer the bondholders two alterna- 
tives : 

(a) To take over the rights and obligations of 
the first concession, to complete the railways in 
three years with an annual grant of nine millions 
towards the coupons ; the payment of the last 
year's interest, and the restitution of the deposit 
to be obtained from Strousberg. 

(I) To transfer all their rights to the Rou- 
manian State, which pledged itself to pay off the 
bonds (to be exchanged for State papers) in forty- 
nine years' time by an annual payment of eleven 

Three weeks later the Prince had the satisfac- 
tion of informing his father that the vexed 
question appeared to be solved at last. 

"You can hardly imagine what I have lived 
through during the last weeks of the old year ! 
Excitements, anxieties, and hopes changed with 
every day. Day after day passed without any re- 
sult, or any hope of solving the unfortunate railway 
question : such a strain on the nerves might have 
caused the strongest man to give way. At first 
weeks passed before the matter reached the order 
of the day, then the preliminary debates lasted 
fully four days ; the result was by no means 


certain the first two days, as the Opposi- 
tion brought all its batteries into action. I 
breathed again on the evening of the fourth day, 
and the city also calmed down at once from its 
former feverish excitement. The agitators are 
afraid that the settlement of the railway question, 
which they had made a dynastic one, has robbed 
them of their last dangerous weapon. . . . 

" The Opposition used Von Radowitz's declara- 
tion in Constantinople that the Emperor was 
directly interested in an arrangement with much 
skill and perfidy, drawing the deduction that the 
House of Hohenzollern was mixed up in this dirty 
business. It is much too hackneyed and ridiculous 
to be even annoyed about ! " 

The expense of the many reforms initiated by 
the Prince also contributed to the chronic want 
of money. For instance, a report by M. Jepu- 
reanu on June 9, 1874, showed the existence of a 
floating debt of fifty-seven million francs, which 
was out of all proportion to the resources of an 
agricultural country, where a failure of the crops 
occurred about once in six years. It was further 
stated that of late years, in spite of all the new 
taxation, the expenditure had always exceeded the 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, January 26th, 1875. 
" Only a few days ago I was confidently looking 


to the immediate future, and hoped that the 
Roumanian railway system, which I had achieved 
for the country after such severe struggles, would 
soon be opened for traffic. I believed that this 
intolerable affair, which has cost me several years 
of my life, was finally settled, and looked forward 
to enjoying the fruits of my labour. But 110 ! 
To-day the railways are again the disturbing 
element. After great effort I had achieved 
the stability and peace so necessary for the 
development of the country : domestic affairs 
had become consolidated, and abroad we enjoyed 
respect and confidence. All this may again be 
at stake. 

" The Berlin Company must raise a 

loan of seventy-five million francs to pay the debts 
incurred in construction ; in so doing they want 
our support, and ask for a law giving this loan 
preferential rights in the annuities. This is, of 
course, out of the question, as the former creditors 

must always have the first claim We 

do not conceal the seriousness of the situation, the 
more so since the German Government urgently 
requests us to give way to the entreaties of the 
company, and so prevent a catastrophe which 
would principally be felt by the shareholders. In 
the event of our inability to regulate this affair 
the German Government would in future be 
compelled to withhold the exercise of its benevo- 
lent interest in Roumania ! 


" This threat is very serious, and we foresee 
its evil consequences." 


" For several weeks we have been exclusively 
occupied with the difficulties which the new loan 
for the completion of our railway system causes 
both here and in Berlin. Animated with a lively 
wish to bring this important affair to a satisfac- 
tory conclusion, my Government has commissioned 
the Minister of Public Works, M. Th. Eosetti, 
to proceed to Berlin, and to place himself in 
personal communication with the railway company. 

" I cannot conceal from your Serene Highness 
that the proposals of the company, which must be 
settled by constitutional methods, encounter no 
small difficulties, arising from the very nature 
of the affair. Nevertheless, my Government has 
every wish to prepare a solution which would be 
acceptable to both parties, and which could be 
successfully promoted in the Chamber here. If 
we may hope for the benevolent interest of your 
Highness in this delicate question, I do not doubt 
that it will soon be solved. M. Rosetti is able 
to give the necessary information should your 
Highness desire to enter more fully into the 

From PRINCE BISMARCK, March 1875. 
" I return my humblest thanks to your High- 


ness for the gracious letter which Minister Rosetti 
has handed to me. The knowledge and personal 
amiability of the latter has made a favourable 
impression on all circles here, and he has brought 
the negotiations to such a point that their con- 
clusion may be expected, provided the result here 
gains the approbation of your Highness's Govern- 
ment. I myself entertain the hope that such may 
be the case, the more willingly since so large an 
amount of German capital is placed in no other 
foreign enterprise, and the solidly assured future 
of the railways must exert a decisive influence on 
the development of the rich resources with which 
Roumania is blessed by nature. The protection 
afforded to the enterprise by your Highness will 
contribute materially to maintain and further 
public interest in Germany for the welfare of 

Whilst these delicate negotiations were in 
progress, the question of the right of Roumania to 
enter into commercial treaties was brought to a 
close. The intimate relations of the Principalities 
to Austria-Hungary rendered it desirable that the 
first treaty should be concluded with that State, 
not without opposition in the Chamber, and it was 
actually voted on July 10, 1875. *' This inter- 
national act," the Prince wrote, " is of great 
importance, as it contains the germ of Roumanian 


The Budget of 1876, which announced a deficit 
of 30,000,000 francs, was received with a storm of 
indignation, and eventually led to the fall of the 
Catargiu Ministry. 

To PRINCE CHAELES ANTHONY, April 26th, 1876. 

" The excitement here is very great ; there are 
rumours of conspiracies and revolutions; but all 
this cannot terrify me, for I go straight ahead and 
do my duty. The condition of our finances, and 
the serious situation in the East, does, however, 
make me anxious. The former is the consequence 
of the latter ; for months no money has come into 
the country, and trade is completely at a stand- 
still. All our securities have fallen, railway and 
customs returns have decreased, farmers cannot 
pay, and taxes are hard to collect. Nevertheless, 
the engine of State must not be allowed to stop, 
and we must pay the interest on our debts in 
order to maintain our credit ! All this has 
materially affected our finances, which were in a 
satisfactory state." 

To THE SAME, December 11th, 1876. 

" Neither the approach of the war, nor the 
probable passage of foreign troops makes me really 
anxious : I am troubled rather by the comfortless 
state of our finances, which have reached a stage 
impregnated with danger for the immediate 
future. The State can onlv maintain its credit 


at the greatest sacrifice, by paying the coupons 
of the foreign debt with the little money remain- 
ing in the country, and in addition it must raise 
sufficient to pay the army. 

" Under these circumstances only a well-assured 
peace, or a war, can be of any assistance ; a long 
extension of this uncertainty will be our ruin ! " 

To THE SAME, January 20th, 1877. 

" The money famine increases daily, and I 
cannot see how we are to be helped out of our 
difficulty. Only the most necessary payments are 
made. Even the Civil List has not been paid 
for months." 

The longed-for war, bringing with it the 
independence of Roumania, arrived at last, and 
with it came perhaps the lowest point touched by 
Roumanian finance. All payments were stopped 
both at home and abroad, every tax was doubled, 
and 30,000,000 francs of paper money were issued 
on the security of the Crown lands, to be redeemed 
at 10 per cent, above par. Such were the 
sacrifices which the Roumanian nation offered at 
the shrine of patriotism and independence. 

THE first years of Prince Charles's rule were over- 
cast by the shadow thrown by that source of 
constant trouble in Eastern Europe, the Jewish 
Question, and by the pro- Semitic agitation in the 
Western Press. The bulk of the Jewish popula- 
tion of Roumania was settled in the Province of 
Moldavia, where it held mortgages on the greater 
part of the estates. In addition to this, as 
"universal providers " they almost monopolised 
the trade in spirits, whilst the bulk of the retail 
trade also lay in their hands. In times of famine 
and scarcity they were always ready to lend money 
at exorbitant rates to the heedless landowner and 
ignorant peasant, and thus acquired a hold over 
them which could not be shaken off. The bitter 
hatred with which the Moldavian population 
regarded their oppressors, and the violence caused 
by that feeling, were powerless to prevent the 
constant immigration of Jews from Poland and 
Southern Hussia, where they experienced a far 


harder lot than that which awaited them in 
Roumania. That the anti-Semitic feeling was not 
wholly unjustifiable is shown by the opinion of 
M. Desjardins, who had ample opportunity of 
learning the rights and wrongs of the case. The 
French savant declared that the Jews were not 
only aliens and strangers in Roumania by their 
language, religion, and customs, but that they 
actually desired to remain so. They refused to 
send their children to the Roumanian schools, 
though entitled to do so free of expense, and 
besides monopolising the whole retail trade of 
Moldavia, they exerted a most evil influence on 
the progress of the country by their usury. The 
peasant was forced to pay up to fifty per cent, per 
mensem on loans, as there were no other means of 
raising money in times of scarcity. The Moldavian 
Jew was dirty and utterly neglected, and could 
not from any point of view be considered a desir- 
able acquisition to the State. 

The Jews of Eastern Europe in general, and of 
Roumania in particular, have no intention, and, 
for the matter of that, no inclination to stoop to 
handicraft or manufacture. The quicker methods 
of getting money appeal to them more ; and 
they are perfectly content to live on the needs 
and necessities of the original inhabitants of the 
land, though at the same time they bitterly resent 
the feeling with which they and their methods of 
money-making are regarded. The first outbursts 


of racial hatred during Prince Charles's reign 
proved too strong for the good intentions of the 
Government, nor was it to be expected that the 
Roumanian legislature would grant the alien race 
further rights or further liberty than Russia or 
even Austria felt inclined to do. 

Cre'mieux, the well-known politician and founder 
of the Alliance Israelite, interviewed the Prince 
on June 14, 1866, to try to obtain an alteration 
in the laws enabling Jews to hold land in 
Roumania, and, acting on the time-honoured 
maxim of do ut des, offered in return for this 
privilege a loan of 1,000,000 at a low rate of 
interest. The Prince informed him that the 
Government had already remembered the condi- 
tion of the Jews in the draft of the Constitution, 
since the following paragraphs had been inserted : 
" Creed is no impediment to naturalisation in 
Roumania," and "So far as the Jews at present 
domiciled in Roumania are concerned, a special 
law will provide for their gradual admission as 
naturalised citizens." However, as soon as these 
proposals were laid before the Chamber, a wave 
of dissent swept over Moldavia, where the anti- 
dynastic party sought to create trouble by 
appealing to racial hatred. They succeeded only 
too well, for a riotous mob destroyed the recently 
completed synagogue at Bucharest in June 1866. 
The obnoxious paragraphs of the Constitution 
were withdrawn owing to the representations of 


the Jews themselves, who feared further excesses, 
if the Government persisted in them. The foreign 
Press eagerly seized the opportunity for spreading 
the report that, owing to the weakness of the 
Government, the paragraphs had been withdrawn 
in obedience to the wishes of the mob. The 
liberally minded Prince, to show his displeasure at 
the action of a section of the populace, and at the 
same time to prove his toleration in matters of 
religion, subscribed 6,000 ducats from his own 
purse for the restoration of the wrecked synagogue, 
but at the same time the Chamber, by passing the 
clause : " Only Christians can become Roumanian 
citizens," denied the Jews the possession of any 
political rights. 

In April 1867 the Minister of the Interior, 
J. Bratianu, addressed a circular to all prefects, 
ordering them to proceed against all "vagabonds" 
in their districts ; as, owing to the abolition of 
passes, the number of paupers had increased to 
such an extent as to add seriously to the already 
enormous difficulties of the Government in feeding 
the starving inhabitants. England, France, and 
Austria protested vigorously against this measure, 
which was chiefly directed against immigrant 
Jews, and the Emperor Napoleon addressed the 
following telegram to the Prince on this subject : 

" I must not leave your Highness in ignorance 
of the public feeling created here by the persecu- 


tions of which the Jews of Moldavia are said to 
be the victims. I cannot believe that the 
enlightened Government of your Highness 
authorises measures so opposed to humanity and 



To which the Prince replied at once : 

" Your Majesty may rest assured that I am not 
less solicitous for the Jewish inhabitants than 
your Majesty. The measures which the Govern- 
ment has thought necessary to take are not 
exceptional, and are a matter of common law. I 
shall, moreover, institute a severe inquiry to ascer- 
tain whether the subaltern officials have exceeded 
their instructions. Those guilty will be punished 
with all the rigour of the law. 


All the laws against the Jews which had been 
passed in Moldavia since 1804 were published in 
the official Moniteur on May 28, 1867, to 
counteract the prejudice which the recent circular 
had created. It was thus made clear that 
Jews had always been prohibited from becoming 
tenants of farms, public-houses, and drinking- 
booths ; and that the sole motive of the Ministerial 
Circular was to remind the prefects of the existence 
of these regulations, which had been allowed to 
fall somewhat into abeyance. 


Sir Moses Montefiore, the well-known British 
merchant and philanthropist, who was touring 
through Eoumania to investigate personally the 
condition of the Jews, was presented to the Prince 
by the British Consul on August 25, 1867. Sir 
Moses was able to inform his Highness that he 
could not trace any persecution of the Jews in 
Wallachia, and on his return to England declared, 
through the Press, that the situation of his 
brethren in Roumania had been painted in 
colours far too dark, and that there could be no 
question of their ill-treatment, as both the Prince 
and his Ministers were very tolerant, and had 
given him every assistance in eliciting the 

The Chamber, however, continued to persist in 
anti-Semitic legislation, and a " free and indepen- 
dent party " of thirty -three Moldavians introduced 
a measure on March 17, 1868, which contained 
the following provisions : "Jews may only settle 
in urban districts by permission of the town 
council, but on no condition, and for no length of 
time, in the rural districts. 

" They are not allowed to possess real property 
in towns or in the country. Sales and purchases 
in their favour are null and void. 

" They are also forbidden to become tenants 
of farms, vineyards, public-houses, hotels, kilns, 
bridges, &c., or to manage the same, and neither 
the State nor Communalities are to entrust them 


with contracts. . . . They are not to sell food or 
liquor to Christians, but only to Jews." Bratianu, 
whom the foreign Semitic Press hounded down as 
a persecutor of the Jews, opposed this motion with 
the greatest vigour, and openly broke with its 
proposers. He was in consequence overwhelmed 
with contumely and reproaches, and was on 
one occasion stoned by anti-Semitic mobs in 

The Jewish Question was ably summed up by 
Prince Charles Anthony in a letter to his son, 
received on May 21, 1868. 

"The Jewish question has reached a stage 
which attracts the rapt attention of the whole of 
Europe. It is a most unfortunate episode in the 
otherwise peaceful development of Roumanian 
internal economy, and is at the same time a great 
danger to the dynasty. I have already pointed 
out that all Jewish affairs are a ' noli me tangere.' 
This fact is a symptom of European weakness ; 
but, since it is a fact, it must be accepted ; nothing 
can be done, as the whole Press of Europe is 
controlled by the Jewish financial powers. In one 
word, the moneyed Judaism is a Great Power, 
whose favour may have the most advantageous 
effect, but whose opposition is dangerous. From 
every side, from all corners and ends of the earth, 
a cry of horror arose in unison about the Bakau 
incident, and nothing, not even the official 


dementia, could mitigate or alleviate the impression 
created by these incidents. It seems to me that 
Bratianu has not shown sufficient energy in this 
question, and is inclined to stake too much on one 
card!" . . . 

" Innumerable petitions have reached me from 
all parts imploring my support in this unfortunate 
Jewish affair, especially from the Alliance Israelite 
(Cremieux) ; Paris has made the most noise about 
it. This cannot be altered ; and you have gained 
nothing but increased experience." 

Advice on this difficult question was also 
tendered from a quarter whence it was least 
expected. Fuad Pacha pointed out to the Rou- 
manian agent in Constantinople that the Princi- 
palities ought to take Turkey as an example of 
tolerance in matters of religion, for at Constanti- 
nople one might see Jews sitting side by side with 
Mohammedans and Christians in the Council of 

On September 12, 1869, Prince Charles received 
a deputation of Jews on the occasion of his stay 
in Vienna. In reply to their representations on 
behalf of their brethren in Rou mania, Prince 
Charles declared that the alleged persecution only 
existed in the imagination of agitators, and that 
the condition of the Roumanian Jews was by no 
means so miserable and abject as the European 
Press was ready and anxious to believe. 


At the same time, the anti-Semitic element in 
the Chamber sought to overthrow the Ghika 
Ministry by accusing it of a tendency to favour 
the Jews. The Minister of the Interior, Cogalni- 
ceanu, it appeared, had recommended two Delegates 
of the Alliance Israelite to the prefects of the 
districts, in order that they might have every 
opportunity of knowing the country and its 
inhabitants. It was also proved by statistics that 
the number of Jews in Moldavia was steadily 
increasing, whilst the Roumanians were being 
forced back by this constant stream of immigration. 
The measure of their success and increasing influ- 
ence was in direct proportion to the corresponding 
weakness and poverty of the Christian tillers of 
the soil. Cogalniceanu, however, showed that the 
Jews were not favoured at the expense of the 
Roumanians, and that the Government had no 
means of preventing Jewish immigration from 
Russia or Galicia. He also pointed out that he 
had proposed to allow the Jews to settle near 
the delta of the Danube ; but, as that proposal 
had been negatived, he could only suggest 
that the Chamber should formulate some other 

Nearly three years later (May 1872) a petition 
from the Jews of Eastern Prussia was laid before 
the German Reichstag, praying that Germany 
would use its influence in putting a stop to the 
persecution of Jews in Roumania. Dr. Miquel 


pointed out that, although he sympathised deeply 
with the sufferers, it was necessary to proceed with 
caution, as otherwise their situation might become 
even worse, for no Government was ever so weak 
as that of Roumania, and continual exhortations 
would only incite the inhabitants to further out- 
rages, which might eventually lead to animosity 
against their German Prince. Von Bunsen 
supported Miquel's view and showed that no perse- 
cutions had taken place between 1866 and 1872. 
Eventually a resolution was carried, recognising 
the previous efforts on behalf of the Jews, and 
requesting the Chancellor to do everything 
possible to prevent the recurrence of such incidents 
in the future. 

England also took up the cudgels on behalf of 
the Jews, and proposed to the various guaranteeing 
Powers to comply with the 46th Article of the 
Treaty of Paris, and grant political rights to the 
Jews. Prince Gortchakoff came to the assist- 
ance of Roumania, and reminded the Western 
Powers that it was impossible to compare the 
Jews of the Orient with those of the West. 
Russia had no intention of interfering in the 
domestic affairs of another State, though she would 
unite with the Powers in representing the matter 
to the Roumanian Government. He therefore 
advised England to communicate direct with the 
Roumanian Government before invoking the aid of 
the other Powers. 


A letter from the Prince to his father contained 
the following passage about this difficulty : 

" My only fear is lest the Jews * should con- 
tinue to agitate and petition the guaranteeing 
Powers for the concession of political rights to 
their brethren here, until the Powers at last 
comply with their wish, and force our hand. This 
would lead to the overthrow of the present, or, 
indeed, any other Ministry. 

"A few months ago the Jews here received 
some sympathy from certain circles, but since they 
have raised such a cry throughout Europe, and 
since the Jewish Press in every State has attacked 
this country in so unworthy a manner with the 
object of forcing the equality of the Jews upon us, 
the latter have nothing to expect here for the 
present. ..." 

Another letter of Prince Charles also refers to 
this point : 

" The newspapers again accuse us of perse- 
cuting the Jews, because the recent licensing law 
forbids a Jew to keep a public-house in a village- 
This is a reasonable measure ; and we are deter- 
mined to repel any representations or interventions 

* Shortly after this was written, a Jewish Congress 
assembled at Brussels with the avowed intention of obtaining 
political rights for the Jews of Roumania by pressure from 


in this matter. One must know the villages of 
Moldavia to be able to judge the noxious influence 
exerted on the rural population by the Jew 
with his adulterated brandy. In Poland and 
Hungary the Jew is to this day forbidden to keep 
a village public-house and very rightly too ! On 
the other hand, it is a pity that Roumania has 
excluded Jews from holding licences for the sale 
of tobacco, as they will now become the most 
arrant smugglers." 

Russia replied to the Note, addressed by 
England to the Great Powers, referring to the 
persecution of the Moldavian Jews, with a cir- 
cular to its representatives abroad directing them 
to defend the Roumanian measures. 

The struggle so briefly touched upon in these 
pages affected the welfare of Roumania in 
its young days very keenly, as the great Jewish 
capitalists supported the demands of the Jewish 
population for the franchise by refusing to aid the 
young State in its financial troubles. Incalculable 
harm was done by the Press in giving a too-ready 
credence to the alarming reports of wholesale 
expulsion of Jewish families from Roumania and 
the confiscation of their property. The anti- 
Roumanian feeling thus caused in England, 
France, and in part of Germany was for many 
years a serious stumbling-block to the develop- 
ment of the Danube Principalities. 



THE day selected by the Prince and Princess 
of Roumania for the commencement of their 
tour through Moldavia April 20, 1871 was one 
of good omen for the result of that journey. 
Prince Charles was anxious to reinstate the close 
and intimate relations which had existed between 
him and his people before the recent agitation, 
as well as to give the lie to the calumny that he 
no longer took an interest in his subjects. The 
Princess, too, was eager to become more closely 
acquainted with the beauties of her new country 
under her husband's guidance. Unfortunately 
the pleasure of the trip was marred by the con- 
stant downpour of rain, which laid half of Jassy 
under water. But the Prince and Princess did 
not allow the weather to interfere with their 
plans, and succeeded in visiting every noteworthy 
place or institution. At their departure from the 
Moldavian capital, as on their arrival, they 
received a most enthusiastic ovation, to which 


Prince Charles replied that the heartiness of their 
welcome everywhere had convinced him that the 
lately dissolved Chamber had in no way expressed 
the sentiments of the nation. The memory of the 
heartfelt sympathy accorded to the dynasty in 
Jassy had, he added, given him fresh courage and 
energy to devote to the high duties entrusted to 
him by the nation. 

Prince Charles expressed the same views to the 
Ministry on his return to Bucharest, and informed 
them that he had given up the thought of abdica- 
tion, as his tour through Moldavia had satisfied 
him that the nation would be loyal to the Sove- 
reign they had elected, whilst condemning the 
revolutionary aims which had been the source of 
the recent trouble. The marvellous change which 
had taken place in the Roumanian situation in the 
short space of five weeks did not fail of prompt 
recognition abroad. The Austrian Ambassador at 
Constantinople remarked : "If Prince Charles 
succeeds in managing Koumania with his own 
resources, and in rendering it governable, it will 
be the greatest tour de force I have witnessed in 
my diplomatic career of more than half a century. 
It will be nothing less than a conjuring trick ! " 

Prince Charles thus described the surprising 
change of situation between March 22 and May 22 : 

" Then there were revolts in the streets, break- 
ing of windows, and an approaching abdication. 


Now there is rejoicing throughout the country, 
ovation after ovation, and a celebration of the 
anniversary of my accession in a more hearty 
and universal fashion than I have been accus- 
tomed to for a long time. Everything that was 
possible has been done to wipe out the memory of 
our bitter experiences of last winter, alike during 
our tour through Moldavia and on our return and 
on May 22. ... 

" Moldavia has recently been the arena of 
anarchical and separatist intrigues so wide in ex- 
tent that no great success could be expected at the 
recent elections, the more so as a rumour had been 
spread throughout Moldavia that I had decided 
to turn my back on the country very shortly. 
Our tour effected a complete change. Towns 
like Galatz and Fokschani, which have sent anti- 
dynastic Deputies to the Chamber for four years 
in succession to advocate my deposition, have now 
elected men who openly declared themselves to be 
on the side of my dynasty during the most critical 
period. The elections throughout the country 
have resulted satisfactorily, and my Ministry can 
count upon a secure majority. . . . Tell voted 
against a foreign prince in 1866, as he was of 
opinion that such a ruler could neither become 
intimately acquainted with the country, nor would 
enjoy the same language or religion. . . . He in- 
formed me on entering the Ministry that no Prince 
had ever known the country better or respected 


the Church so much as I had done. . . . He 
says : ' I think more of the happiness of the 
country than of its liberties ! ' . . . 

" General Solomon and Colonels Slaniceanu, 
Lupu, and Sefcari are thorough soldiers, who were 
all at their posts in the hour of danger and did 
their duty loyally. The army, morever, behaved 
excellently at the critical time, which gave me 
great pleasure, as I have always given it special 

"... I should like to be able to lengthen 
every day, for none suffices for my continuous 
work. Everything that is performed in silence 
by the chiefs of departments in other countries is 
here laid before me ; no decision is arrived at 
without my being consulted. Every one wants 
an audience of the Prince to lay a grievance 
before him. But the more work I have the better 
I like it, and I by no means wish to complain." 

Owing to the sudden illness of the Grand 
Vizier, Ali Pacha, through overwork, and the pre- 
vailing centralisation of the Turkish Government, 
all affairs of State came to a standstill for the 
time being. The Sultan refused to appoint a sub- 
stitute, and Ali Pacha refused to resign : "I shall 
die, if needs be, but I shall die as Grand Vizier ! " 

The Prince and Princess, with their little 
daughter, sought protection from the climate of 
Cotroceni in the cloister of Sinaja on August 2. 


The arrangements made for them were extremely 
primitive : the small whitewashed rooms, or rather 
cells, were connected only by a wooden verandah 
on the inside of the building, round the inner 
court of the cloister. The magnificent view over 
the mountain scenery, however, amply com- 
pensated for the lack of comfort ; whilst a heavy 
thunderstorm, with brilliant flashes of lightningj 
cleared and cooled the atmosphere shortly after 
their arrival. The weather that followed left 
nothing to be desired, and the Prince spent the 
greater portion of each day in the company of 
his wife and daughter in the glorious Carpathian 
woods under a cloudless sky. The Princess of 
Wied arrived at Sinaja on August 31 to take part 
in the festivities of the first birthday of the little 
Princess Marie, who, as her father reported with 
joy, "has already two teeth, and will soon be 
able to run about." 

Almost daily some expedition or picnic in the 
woods was arranged, especially at that spot in 
the valley of the Pelesch where Prince Charles 
thought of building a summer residence. This 
plan had, however, to be given up, as the situation 
of the proposed house was too much exposed to 
the violent winds which swept down the valley. 

These happy days came to an end, only too soon, 
when on September 11 the Prince returned to 
Cotroceni, followed two days later by the remainder 
of the family. The Princess of Wied was forced 


to commence her journey home on October 28. 
The Prince and Princess accompanied her a short 
distance on the Giurgiu line. Prince Charles 
Anthony expressed his great joy at the favourable 
impression which the Princess's mother had 
formed of their surroundings in Bucharest. " Her 
impressions are generally favourable and, best of 
all, she has gained an insight into your home 
life, which could not be happier. That is of the 
greatest comfort to us, since other circumstances 
remain unchanged. . . . Moreover, Princess Wied 
is satisfied with the social elements, and has 
everywhere found receptivity for what is nobler 
and better ; a firm mortar alone is wanted to 
prevent the good from dissolving and the evil 
from working to the surface. . . ." 

Prince Charles replied the same day : " Elisabeth 
has created her own sphere of action ; she frequently 
visits the schools and communicates the remarks 
and observations made whilst the instruction is 
going on personally to the conseil permanent de 
^instruction publique. By this method she has 
already succeeded in introducing several minor 
improvements ; in addition to this, she is transla- 
ting some school-books for children into Roumanian, 
with the aid of some young ladies ; and once a 
week she presides over the Society for the Poor, 
which has done good work since its institution a 
year ago. . . . We are all well. Little Marie is full 
of life, and runs from room to room. When I have 


a minute to spare, I play with her. The dear 
child is my greatest joy ! " 

Prince Charles and his family decided to 
celebrate the Christmas festivities of 1871 accord- 
ing to the Eastern calendar, on December 24 
(January 5). Prince Charles Anthony's Christmas 
letter contained the following interesting allusion 
to German affairs : 

"On the whole everything is satisfactory in 
Germany. The Prussian officers sent to Wlirt- 
temberg and Baden find it difficult to grasp the 
situation of South Germany ; but all is satisfac- 
tory, since necessity knows no law. Manteuffel 
plays a great part in France, and is endeavouring 
to traverse Bismarck's plans and intentions. But 
it is really of no importance ; everything succeeds 
with us. Both Military Cabinet and Govern- 
ment of State go their own way, and yet finally 
effect a junction, because the National-Prussian 
principle outweighs all else. 

" May Thiers and the Republic long steer 
France I any so-called dynastic revolution would 
cause a war with Germany not that we fear one, 
but we need peace and development." 

The Chambers passed a law on January 5 by 
which Roumania undertook to pay the coupons 
commencing from January 1, 1872, and all that 
remained to end the matter was the consent of 
the Berlin Syndicate to the proposed compromise. 


On January 28, 1872, Prince Charles was able to 
inform his father that the unfortunate dispute 
about the railways had at last been settled : 
" A telegram has just been received from Berlin 
informing us that the shareholders have accepted 
the first part of the Jaw ; you can imagine our 
delight ! The history of this suffering has now 
reached its end thirteen months of anxiety, 
excitement, and fears, form a long episode ! " 


" My chief news to-day is that the condition 
of Elisabeth's health renders a journey to the 
South an absolute necessity ; she has never 
quite recovered from the violent attacks of fever 
of last summer, and in spite of all precautions 
has recently been ill again ; this might lead to 
serious consequences if often repeated. Since 
change of air is the only really effective remedy, 
she will go to Italy, and meet her Nassau relatives 
and Therese of Oldenburg in Rome before Easter. 
Should the climate there not suit her, she will go 
on to Naples. The two months' separation, which 
lies before us, is indeed very hard, the harder for 
Elisabeth, since she must part with both husband 
and child ! It is satisfactory for me to know that 
she will meet relations in Rome, whom she will be 
very glad to see again. I must submit to the 
inevitable ; but I shall feel my solitude very much. 

" We shall then spend the whole summer in 


Sinaja, where we shall be more comfortable this 
time than we were last year. Abegg is at present 
negotiating the purchase of some meadow and 
wood lands so that we can build a country house 
on our own estate, and have a refuge in the 
healthy mountain air from the fevers of the 
marshes. . . . 

" The following incident will show you the anti- 
German feeling here : The Court of Appeal has 
acquitted the rioters of the 10th-22nd March for 
want of evidence. Costa-Foru in consequence 
demanded the removal of the judges, but I refused 
my consent, to avoid further unpleasantness. He 
then laid a decree before me, which made the 
President of the Court responsible for the acquittal 
and transferred him as a punishment this I signed. 
The result of this measure was the resignation of a 
large number of the best judges both of the first 
and second instance, a demonstration which has 
caused great excitement and has been received 
with satisfaction. The gentry in question are con- 
sidered as victimes de la Prusse, and only a few 
have the courage to agree with Costa-Foru. This 
is, of course, water to the opposition mill, and the 
affair is exploited in every kind of way. ..." 

In a long letter, received March 8, 1872, Prince 
Charles Anthony minutely discussed the Prussian 
and Roumanian views about the recently settled 
railway dispute, and devoted particular attention to 


the attitude of Bismarck and the Imperial 

" I dp not believe that the writer of the reports 
you forwarded to me can take an active share in 
politics, since he gives so free a rein to his dislike 
towards Bismarck and Radowitz. 

" The German Empire to-day is a given factor, 
which the practical politician is forced to take into 
consideration. If you look back upon the scenes 
which took place nearly a year ago in Bucharest on 
the occasion of the Emperor's birthday, you cannot 
expect that Germany should meet the Roumanian 
population with much sympathy. Such incidents 
have a lasting and estranging influence. Moreover, 
the continual demonstration of the Roumanians in 
favour of France cannot but displease Germany, 
who has lost many thousands of her best sons in 
a war which was forced upon her against her will. 

" I am no blind eulogist of Bismarck, but he is 
indispensable to Germany and Prussia, and aims 
solely at great ends and means. 

" He steps courageously over every bound ; just 
as he passed over us in the Spanish question, he 
has now proved the correctness of his views and 
his courage in the retirement of Mlihler, and in 
insisting on the School Inspections Bill, which 
were both fundamentally opposed to the King's 
wish and opinion. It is easy to understand that he 
must neglect you in striving for great political aims. 


" It is not because you are a Hohenzollern, but 
in spite of your being one, that no consideration 
could be paid to your name and race in the recent 
solution of the railway question. 

" I am convinced that, now that Roumania has 
regained her international position with glory, the 
relations with the German Empire will take a more 
peaceful form. At all events, the advances lie on 
the shoulders of the smaller and weaker State: 
that is the ordinary course of events in politics. 

" For that reason I dislike the following sen- 
tence in the report you sent me : ' Because certain 
capitalists are pleased to put their money into an 
industrial speculation, is it necessary that it 
should become a matter for the two Governments ? 
If this principle is admitted, where will it lead ? ' 

"The participation, therefore, in a loan guaranteed 
by the State is called an ' industrial speculation ' ! 
Germany, accordingly, is peaceably to allow her 
subjects to suffer loss through the Roumanian 
State, and if she complains about such treatment, 
where should the complaint be addressed if not to 
the State, that is the Government, which does not 
act in accordance with its pledges ? On the other 
hand, one might well ask : ' If this principle is 
admitted, where will it lead? . . .' 

"The importance of the names connected with the 
Strousberg Syndicate was by no means the reason 
for the decided steps that were taken in Berlin. The 
action was rather due to consideration for the many 


thousands of smaller men, who had confidently 
invested in the Roumanian bonds ; the high rate 
of interest, it is true, was the chief inducement, 
but nobody imagined that his money was invested 
in a dishonest business. 

" I now come to the end of this long letter, in 
which I have spoken my mind so freely, but in 
which I hope you will only recognise a proof of 
my affectionate sincerity. I make no claim to be 
infallible, but I should like to impress upon you that 
the Teuton element to-day possesses the greatest 
vitality and the richest future, and that Roumania 
can only remain the master of her own future by 
a sensible union with it. Let society, the Press, 
and the general instinct of the nation be anti- 
German if they will they must not, if they intend 
to put their feelings into practice, throw down the 
gage to the Teuton spirit." 

Princess Elisabeth was forced to tear herself 
away from her husband and daughter on March 12, 
to seek health under the cloudless sky of Italy. 

At Trieste the Princess of Hohenzollern was 
awaiting her arrival in order to accompany her to 
Rome, and, later on, to Naples, where the King 
and Queen of Denmark, and the Prince and 
Princess of Wales, with other Royal personages, 
were spending the Spring. The Prince of Wales 
discussed politics earnestly with Princess Elisabeth, 
and asked with which side Roumania would be 


ranged in the event of a war. The Princess 
quickly replied : " With the strongest, of 
course ! " 

A very plain and straightforward letter was 
received from Prince Bismarck on April 25, 1872, in 
reply to an explanation which Prince Charles had 
sent him on the railway question. 

" Your Highness can have no cause to doubt 
my devotion to your person. I am sincerely 
pleased that your Highness has reason to look 
towards the future with greater confidence and a 
more joyful assurance. My former respectful 
letters will have shown your Highness how highly 
I rate the difficulties of your position, and I hope 
that your present hopes will not be disappointed. 

" In the railway crisis, which is now, we hope, so 
fortunately ended, the Government of his Majesty 
could adopt no other attitude than that of guard- 
ing the rights and interests of German subjects. 
The appeal to the suzerain power of the Porte, 
which your Highness complains of, was necessary 
on account of the position of these German inter- 
ests and the principles of international law ; and 
only the blindness of the parties in E-oumania 
could see in it any damage to the autonomy of the 
country as established by the conventions." 

After alluding to the anti-German demonstra- 
tions in 1871 and the acquittal of the rioters of 
March 22, Bismarck continued : 


" It is therefore a surprise to us to learn that, 
as your Highness remarks, the hope is cherished 
in Roumania that the autonomy may be extended 
by the mediation of Germany, and new rights 
acquired, and that by this means friendly rela- 
tions may be re-established. I am afraid that 
public opinion in Germany will scarcely appreciate 
the reconquest of the favour of the Roumanian 
nation, since we may say to ourselves that we have 
neither desired nor brought about its loss. Your 
Highness knows how unconditionally you may 
reckon on the good will of H. M. the Emperor 
and King and of his Government, and that we 
all entertain the best wishes for the prosperity 
and welfare of your country ; but at the same time 
your Highness has too clear an insight into the 
wants of your country not to recognise that the 
conditions of that prosperity and that welfare 
must be sought in the development of its internal 
politics, and in the faithful fulfilment of the 
obligations it has undertaken, and that the influ- 
ence exerted in Europe by the German Empire 
may be of great use to the Roumanian nation, if 
the latter in any way responds to, or even acknow- 
ledges, the friendly feeling for Roumania which 
still exists here." 


" My best thanks for the photographs ; your 
child must have charming and interesting features : 


she reminds one of both the families to which 
her parents belong ! The surroundings amused 
us, and we greatly admired Elisabeth in the 
national costume. In spite of photographs, how- 
ever, I can hardly imagine my old friend Charles 
as a married man and father with a child on his 
arm ! It is an indescribable happiness to be a father, 
and I can only too readily imagine how you spend 
every free hour in the society of your child, and 
that you found the little mite the only consolation 
for her mother's absence during your first separa- 
tion. . . . 

" When I reflect on the course of events in 
Germany, since the Diippel assault first attracted 
the attention of the world to us Prussians, 
it always seems to me as though I had listened 
with rapt attention to a long history lesson that 
I was called to witness the reality appears a 
marvel. May our people in future preserve the 
same becoming earnestness and humility which up 
to now they have not laid aside in spite of all their 
successes ! So long as that feeling is not abandoned 
we show ourselves worthy of the deeds we have 

" You will remember that the thought of a 
reconstitution of the Empire as the finishing 
touch in the work of German unity has always 
occupied me, and been among my sincerest wishes ; 
truly, my aim was directed at a peaceable and 
bloodless achievement of this fact, and perhaps 


the same object might have been reached without 
a war. But these are idle questions which can no 
longer be considered : we have rather to look to a 
systematic and thorough completion of the Empire, 
the external form of which is perhaps attained, 
but many a year must pass before its southern 
component parts have quite found their place in 
the new building. The peoples, especially that 
portion which took active part in the war, are far 
more favourable to the new situation than the 
Cabinets ; I shall therefore not be at all surprised 
if the next few years bring us some most dis- 
agreeable conflicts of aim. The peculiarities of 
each separate country forming the Empire will 
always be respected and interference with their 
internal affairs must be avoided ; I therefore do 
not at all like the expression ' a uniform State.' 
But it is for that very reason that earnest pains 
must be taken that perfect unity may be shown in 
military, legal, and foreign-political fields, and that 
these elements may become more and more firmly 
welded together. 

" To my joy our neighbour States do not appear 
to view our union with unfavourable eyes, and 
that is in itself a great deal we shall certainly not 
be loved by any of them. The revengeful feeling 
of France is only natural and explicable, though 
much water will flow between the banks of the 
Rhine before that feeling will issue in act. . . . 

"You would hardly recognise my children 


again. William^ is growing and is hard at work, 
Henry has become stronger than he was. Char- 
lotte does not seem to grow at all, yet she is pretty, 
like her fair-haired sister. The youngest you do 
not know at all they are already very well-deve- 
loped little atoms mentally." 

Princess Elisabeth reached Genoa on her way 
home to Bucharest on April 30. She had left 
Naples only a few days before a terrible eruption 
of Vesuvius, accompanied with earthquakes, which 
caused the death of some two hundred persons. 
At Vienna the Princess was visited by the Emperor 
of Austria, Count Andrassy, and a number of her 
relations. Prince Charles met the Princess near 
Orschowa and was delighted to find her completely 
restored to health. Their entry into Bucharest 
was greeted in every way as heartily as on their 
return from Germany in 1869. The streets of 
the capital were so densely packed by a most 
enthusiastic multitude that the carriage could 
only proceed at a walk. 

The following letter from the German Emperor 
was brought by M. Mavrogheni : 


" I have to thank you for two letters, one for 
March 22 handed me by your father, and the 
other by the bearer of this letter. Let me first 

* The present German Emperor. 


thank you heartily for your loyal wishes on 
my birthday ; since recent events took place 
that day has certainly gained more prominence 
than formerly, but it also reminds us to return 
thanks to Him who set us so unexpected a task, 
and who gave us strength to execute it. The 
feelings expressed to me on March 22 are in this 
respect of value and joy to me, since it is assuredly 
of God's mercy that one is selected to execute His 
will on earth on behalf of a nation and its army. 

" Your last letter gave me an occasion only 
yesterday to speak with your Minister, as I am 
suffering from an injured knee and cannot dress 
myself well. We discussed the Strousberg affair, 
which appears to be favourably settled on the 
whole, but which has had a very susceptible and 
aggravating effect at times. The Jewish question 
was then discussed. It is a hard task to have to 
side with a race of men whose character I know 
only too well from the Russian Poles. Although 
hi the most examples the guilt of the Jews, 
according to your own Government's showing, 
was not at all as heinous as it appeared at first, 
still the punishment was severe, and some show of 
mercy would certainly be advisable ; on the other 
hand, it must be regretted that the repression of 
riots and Jew-baiting was not employed quickly 
or effectually enough. This, of course, again 
creates the impression abroad that the internal 
politics of Roumania are not yet stable, and you 


will never eradicate this impression until you have 
created a well-organised and disciplined army, able 
to enforce obedience to the orders of the Govern- 
ment, not by strength of numbers, but by quality. 
I expressed this opinion years ago to you through 
Colonel Krenski, and I regret that you still do 
not grasp this point i.e., that you still place more 
value on the quantity of your forces than in their 

" I realise the difficulty of your task, but it is 
absolutely necessary if Europe is to gain con- 
fidence in your Government through the prevalence 
of order and security in Houmania. 

" I am indeed sorry that your wife's health 
made a separation necessary, but it was certainly 
high time to overcome the fever : nothing under- 
mines the health more than lingering ill-health ; 
I therefore hope the best from the Princess's 
change of air ! 

" Farewell, and preserve a friendly memory of 

your very sincere Cousin, 


The Roumanian Court moved to Sinaja on 
May 29, 1872, where the fresh mountain air com- 
pletely restored the Prince and his family to 
robust health. The Prince wrote the following 
description of a great bear-hunt to his father : 

" I went bear-hunting a week ago. Three 
hundred beaters with drums and trumpets, the 


sound of which re-echoed tenfold in the rocky 
valleys, and close on thirty hunters, who com- 
pleted a circle of several miles, and secured our 
quarry. Two drives were arranged, each of which 
lasted from two and a half to three hours. 

" After leaving Sinaja about five o'clock I 
climbed the first summit, Furnica, which I reached 
at seven. It was just here that a large she-bear 
had killed several sheep three days before, and 
devoured them at a short distance from the 
shepherds, who looked on trembling. I posted 
myself at this point behind a rock overlooking two 
deep ravines. The drive then began, accompanied 
by the penetrating cries of the beaters, who 
descended the slopes on all sides in an unbroken 
chain. Suddenly the sky clouded over and a 
terrible storm broke, so that you could not see ten 
paces before you. As nothing was to be seen after 
a wait of two hours we sought refuge in a hut ; in 
a short space of time the weather cleared up, 
and the pretty Prachova valley lay at our feet 
bathed in the brightest sunshine. 

" This change in the weather encouraged 
Elisabeth and her ladies to leave Pojani Zapului, 
whither she had driven that morning, and proceed 
to meet me with the luncheon. After I had sat 
three hours in the hut waiting for the bear, or 
rather the luncheon, the latter arrived about noon, 
and we sat down to it together on a greensward ; 
the hunters and beaters, the Dorobanzi and their 


horses camped round about us. All the groups 
were indescribably picturesque ; in the background 
the bare rock summits of the Kairaman, Omul, 
&c., appeared like veritable ghosts. At two 
o'clock we again descended to Pojana Zapului, a 
little village at the entrance of the valea babei, 
the rendezvous of the bears. I separated from 
Elisabeth here, and climbed down into this 
haunted valley, where we came across a primeval 
wood. Again I found a position which overlooked 
two ravines. The greatest bear-hunter of the 
neighbourhood was close to me, and assured me 
that I should catch sight of some bears. I waited 
patiently for close on three hours behind a decayed 
tree ; the cries of the beaters had long since died 
away, single shots were heard in the distance, a 
portion of the beaters had finished their task, and 
still nothing was to be seen. I laid my rifle aside 
discontentedly, but the huntsman whispered to 
me to have patience for another half-hour. I took 
up my rifle, and ten minutes had barely sped 
when I heard a loud rustling, stones rolled down 
the sides of the ravine, and two young bears 
crossed our field of sight, and one after the other 
descended the slope, breaking the rotten boughs 
with their broad paws. The distance was not 
great, and I could easily have put a bullet into 
one of them if boughs and tree-trunks had not 
impeded my aim. I therefore quitted my position, 
and climbed down a little way to get a free field 


of fire, but the huntsman had in the meantime 
reached the edge of the ravine and killed one of 
the bears with his first shot ; the other would 
certainly not have escaped him if he had had a 
double-barrelled rifle. The great excitement now 
commenced, as the she-bear, which had already 
been fired on by the beaters higher up, was 
expected to arrive, but no one could say whether 
she had been wounded, or whether her cubs 
had preceded her. The circle of beaters and 
hunters now drew closer in, the matador of the 
hunters placed himself close by my side, and drew 
my attention to the danger of an attack by so 
savage an animal. We waited half an hour for 
the decisive moment ; unfortunately the she-bear 
did not turn up, and the hunters declared it 
probable that she had been wounded and had 
hidden herself in some rocky crevice, as otherwise 
we should certainly have had a shot at her. 

" On the way home we witnessed another inte- 
resting scene. At least thirty large golden eagles 
had assembled round a carcase on the far side of 
a ravine, but the distance was far beyond our 
range. I fired at one which was hovering over 
my head, but only hit one of his feathers, which 
fluttered to the ground. The shot frightened the 
interesting inhabitants of the mountains from 
their meal, and they flew in all directions between 
the rocky spurs, where we were able to follow 
them with the naked eye for a long time." 


The same letter also contained a most interest- 
ing picture of the situation of Roumania, both at 
home and abroad. 

" Since my last letter to you on April 30 
many things have improved here, and every day 
shows more and more the advantages of a firm 
Government, which alone can secure progress and 
increase the prosperity of the country. The loyal 
and frank attitude of Catargiu's Ministry has 
practically crippled the intrigues of the parties, 
the more so since they have no burning question 
to exploit. The Opposition Press, it is true, is 
not ashamed to publish the grossest calumnies 
about the Government, or to prophesy that the 
fate of King Otto or the Emperor Maximilian will 
befall me unless I dismiss the Ministry soon ! 
Fortunately their sallies are so violent that no one 
places any belief in their screed. As affairs stand 
at present only some external crisis can affect the 
resignation of the Cabinet ; luckily it is in such 
favour with the Great Powers that even this 
anxiety disappears. ... It is the immediate duty 
of my Government to maintain order at all costs, 
and to aim during the coming session at putting 
an end to the abuse of liberty, which only damages 
and discredits us in the eyes of foreign countries. 
As E/oumania is the spoilt child of Europe and 
has been permitted to do so much, it knows 
nothing of reflection or fear. It is like an 



unbroken foal, which is imbued with liberty, and 
ignores every danger. Gruizot says : ' There are 
times when nations are swayed by their desires 
beyond all else, and others where they act solely 
in accordance with their fears. According as 
the one or the other of these dispositions pre- 
vails, nations are intent on liberty or security for 
preference. It is the first degree in the art of 
government to distinguish between those senti- 
ments.' To Roumania liberty is more than 
security : she only knows her own desires, and 
is fearless. I have not, therefore, been deceived 
hitherto about her sentiments, which in the eyes 
of the French statesman is the height of states- 
craft. For my part I consider that I have com- 
mitted an error and that I should have achieved 
more if I had sometimes gone against the desires 
of the nation ! 

" As a matter of fact, I have from the com- 
mencement devoted my whole energy to the 
development of the material welfare of these 
richly endowed countries. My groundwork was 
the execution of the net of roads and railways. 
This is the national-Roumanian policy which I 
have so far pursued, and which I shall continue 
in the future. Perhaps this is the very reason of 
the great wrath of those to whom the existence 
of Roumania is a thorn in the flesh. The enmity 
to which it is exposed by a paid Press is therefore 
well founded, for even a small country which 


makes material progress daily may in time become 
a factor with which perhaps the world may be 
forced to reckon. I have observed two currents 
in the policy of Austria-Hungary regarding us : 
the official circles appear at present to favour the 
stability and peaceful development of Roumania, 
whilst others I know not how to define them : 
clerical, financial, Jewish show their animosity 
by an incessant paper- warfare against the country. 
The Austrian and Hungarian papers compete with 
each other in this rivalry. What lasts too long 
ends by becoming tedious, and one may hope that 
the world will some day have had enough of this 
tangled web of printed lies. It may also be that 
much of this arrogance is based on Stock Exchange 
speculations. The Jewish haute finance has de- 
clared that it will not embark upon any business 
with " Jew-devouring" Rou mania, and will oppose 
with all its might any of the country's aims. In 
the meantime we have concluded a tobacco 
monopoly with a great Hungarian Jewish house, 
and obtained an unexpected bid of 8,000,000 
francs a year, a brilliant piece of business for both 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, August, 31st, 1872. 

" Our stay at Sinaja, which, if the weather 
holds good, we shall prolong for another four weeks, 
suits us excellently. The life here is pleasant and 
unconstrained ; every day brings fresh interests. 


A bevy of young girls adds much liveliness to our 
circle ; in addition to the lately appointed maid of 
honour, Mile. Valeanu, we recently had seven 
young ladies to dinner, with a dance and round 
games in the evening. Even nonsense refreshes 
the mind, and it was a real benefit to us all to let 
ourselves go. We made Costa-Foru dance and 
D. Ghika played with us. This is a very different 
matter from sitting head over ears in work. Until 
to-day it would have been impossible to accuse me 
of playing with my present and former Ministers, 
and hence it is a real satisfaction to me to have 
done so in Sinaja. Moreover, our stay here is of 
great benefit to us in many ways : it brings us 
into closer contact with people than would be 
possible in the city, where everything is red tape ; 
we have also had the pleasant experience that, in 
spite of the difficulty of communication, everybody 
seems delighted to come here. We have had 
numerous visitors even from Moldavia. . . . 

" On September 8 our little Marie will be two 
years old, but she might easily pass for three, for 
her mental and physical development is far more 
mature than that of most children of two years old. 
You ought to see my little daughter now, my 
dear parents. You would certainly take as great a 
pleasure in her as we do ourselves ; she already 
speaks three languages Roumanian, German, and, 
above all, English ; is very independent, runs about 
alone, calls everybody by his proper name, and 


on Sundays goes to the chapel of the Monastery, 
where she keeps quite quiet during the service. 
Her character is amiable and gentle ; she obeys 
every order, and gives up all her little possessions 
with pleasure." 

The birthday of the little Princess was cele- 
brated in the same way as the year before, with 
the ceremony of breaking a cake over her little 
fair head, and with serenades, and fireworks. The 
childlike grace and charm with which her Serene 
Highness accepted the homage captivated all 

To the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, October 8th, 1872. 

" We have been permitted, after many storms, 
to spend a quiet and happy summer, admiring 
nature and art, and visited by people of all kinds 
and of all nationalities mutable and merry, 
despite the stillness of the cloister surrounded by 
giant mountains. Even a few Englishmen put in 
an appearance, and I gave them the heartier 
welcome for the hope that they will now spread 
healthier ideas about Oriental countries amongst 
their fellow countrymen. Unfortunately the shade 
of Palmerston still moves amongst England's diplo- 
matists, and her inhabitants are more Turkish 
than the Turks themselves, which fact you will be 
able to estimate correctly, as you are acquainted 
with Turkish rule. I have said this to all who 


came, and I hope that the Foreign Office will 
acquire a more just appreciation, particularly of 
the territories of the Danube. 

From the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, October 28th, 1872. 

"We fared very well during the summer; 
my wife and I and our two youngest children 
enjoyed the Alps in Berchtesgaden and Salzburg, 
a region which we find extraordinarily attractive. 

" There, as in the whole of South Germany, 
where later on I inspected troops, a reception was 
prepared for me as hearty and brilliant as any in 
the old Mother Country. The feeling of cohesion 
amongst all German races since the re-establish- 
ment of the German Empire has spread in those 
parts extraordinarily, broadly, and quickly. All 
feel themselves elevated and strengthened ; they 
see themselves as members of a nation which com- 
mands a respect such as the former thirty Father- 
lands could never have commanded. The enemies 
of our union, against whom we struggle, cannot pre- 
vail in face of this political power, but they will leave 
no means of damaging it untried. Only we must 
not make a mistake in our choice of weapons, for 
otherwise we shall make martyrs of our opponents, 
and shall reap neither thanks nor advantage." 

From PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, November 2(>th, 1872. 

" The burning question in the new German 
Empire is the Church. This question is making 


a great stir and embittering family life ; it 
undoubtedly points to future danger, since the 
Ultramontane Party will use it as a lever to 
intrigue against the new German Empire and the 
Protestant Emperor. Simply to oppose Germany, 
France is highly in favour of Rome and everything 
connected with it, and so she is enlisting the 
sympathies of our Ultras, who believe, or wish to 
have it believed, that France is the only sanctuary 
of Catholicism, and that Prussia's policy is uni- 
versal evangelisation. This tendency in France 
is at present a means of agitation, inspired by 
revenge and not by the glorification of the Church. 

"The boundaries between the powers of the 
State and the Church are to be regulated by 
legislation in Berlin. This problem may possibly 
be solved in theory, but never in practice. When 
my opinion was asked, I advised the Emperor to 
decide each concrete case with the utmost rigour, 
but never to embark upon disputes about theo- 
retical dogmas history teaches that in such 
struggles the State invariably comes off the worst. 
The introduction of civil marriage, the separation 
of the schools from the Church, and the establish- 
ment of State examinations for the clergy are 
alone excepted from this. The Church must be 
left to herself; the State has nothing to do with 
dogmas, which depend entirely upon the con- 
science of Catholics. 

" You have no idea of the agitation which these 


questions are causing just now, or of the prevailing 

"It is well that the Jesuit law is, so to speak, 
an already surmounted vantage-point ; but those 
who expect improvement from it are mistaken ; 
the greater part of the Catholic priesthood of to- 
day has been educated by the Jesuits. The whole 
struggle is grievous. 

" If the contending parties had long ago arrived 
at an understanding, particularly in the time of 
King Frederick William IV., that the Throne 
and the Altar are two irreconcilable conceptions, 
it might have been possible to regulate their 
relation without the intervention of force. But 
that ruler's absolutist tendencies sought and found 
in the absolutism of Borne an alliance which is 
still a heavy burden upon our national development. 

" You will certainly have followed the debates 
on the ' Kreisordnung ' in the Upper House with 
interest. To myself it is a brilliant satisfaction 
for the wrongs suffered in 1859 and 1860 ; what 
I then prophesied has happened to-day the 
Upper House is an institution whose entire com- 
position stands in urgent need of reform. 

" The situation in Bavaria and Wurttemberg, 
especially in the dynastic spheres, is scarcely yet 
intelligible. Particularism is as obstinate as 
possible. The unification of the Empire from a 
military point of view is proceeding smoothly, and 
will not recede ; but the minor Sovereigns take it 


very ill that they are to be mediatised in a 
military and diplomatic sense at once. ..." 

The unexpected news of the death of 
Napoleon III. was received at Bucharest on 
January 10, 1873. Prince Charles and the 
Roumanian nation were deeply moved by this sad 
event, for the dead Emperor had been the cham- 
pion and protector of the national existence of 
Houmania in its darkest days. Throughout the 
whole land memorial services were held, though 
the Metropolitan at first objected on the ground 
that the late Emperor was not a member of the 
Orthodox Church. The universal expression of 
sympathy with the widowed Empress and the 
Prince Imperial created a certain friction with the 
Republican Government, and the Foreign Minister 
reminded M. Strat that the Roumanians ought 
not to forget that, after all, " it was to France, 
and not the Emperor, that gratitude was due " ! 
M. Thiers, the President, also expressed his vexa- 
tion that the Roumanian Chambers should have 
sent messages of condolence to the Prince Imperial 
as well as to the Empress, since the former had 
never had anything to do with Roumania. This 
measure was considered to indicate that Roumania 
held the French Republic " nul et non avenu." 
M. Thiers concluded with the remark : " If I had 
acted strictly in accordance with the rules of 
international custom, I should have recalled all 


mv agents and broken off all communication with 
you ! " M. Strat was able, however, to convince 
the President that Roumania had only paid a 
debt of gratitude to a benefactor, and had no 
intention of insulting France. 

The situation in Paris at the commencement of 
1873 was described by M. Strat as "the same 
struggles, the same defiance in every camp, and 
the same uncertainty about the future as in the 
past." A sort of armistice existed between M. 
Thiers and the Majority of the National Assembly, 
who were anxious to foist a King upon France, 
whilst the adherents of the Republic were divided 
into two camps. " Those who desire a moderate 
and conservative republic do nothing to bring 
it to pass, and those who wish for a regime on 
the lines of Gambetta & Co. do everything in 
their power to render it permanently impossible." 
Gambetta's school, which unfortunately had made 
proselytes throughout the whole of Europe, aimed 
at " governing by inane discourses, banquets, 
harangues, demonstrations in the streets, and all 
the customary trappings of a vulgar democracy." 
Hampered by all these conflicting elements, M. 
Thiers was confronted by the task of maintaining 
order, paying milliards, and raising the commerce 
of the country. He would only secure peace with 
the National Assembly if he gave it complete 
liberty " to play upon that instrument which they 
call universal suffrage." 


On February 13 King Amadeo of Spain 
announced in a special message to the Cortes 
that he had laid the crown aside, under the con- 
viction that the incessant struggles of the parties 
were frustrating all his efforts for the peace and 
happiness of his country. The Cortes, by a large 
majority, proclaimed the Republic pour I'eternite, 
and elected as their President a well-known and 
thorough-going Republican, Senor Fiqueras. And 
so the saying of Napoleon III., that a Latin race 
is almost ungovernable, received a melancholy con- 
firmation, wnich was only partly refuted by the 
Prince Charles's unquestioned success in ruling 
the " Latin sister-nation." Public opinion was 
only now beginning to realise the great merit of 
the Prince in achieving, by patience, abnegation, 
and perseverance, a stable Government, which 
only a few years before had appeared to be an aim 
Utopian and altogether beyond realisation to all 
those who were acquainted with the people and 
the affairs of Roumania. 

Prince Charles was invited by the Emperor of 
Austria to attend the Vienna Exhibition, where 
Roumanian commerce was to be represented by 
exhibits of tobacco, wool, silk, wood, salt and other 
minerals. There were scarcely any manufactures, 
but the Prince was confident that they would 
soon follow in the track of the railways. 

The Princess, whose health had not been at all 
satisfactory, and her little daughter, set out on 


a visit to the Princess of Wied on May 31, 1873. 
Little Marie soon became accustomed to the motion 
of the yacht, and took the greatest interest in her 
first long journey. Neuwied was reached safely, 
and the first news which Prince Charles received 
on June 23 in Vienna was that they were delighted 
to be home, and that the German Crown Prince had 
given them a most hearty welcome. 

Prince Charles received the same treatment at 
Vienna, where he found his brother, the Here- 
ditary Prince Leopold, awaiting him. He could 
not fail to notice that the reception accorded to 
him in 1873 was far more cordial than that in 
1869, and he found, too, that his labours and 
sacrifices during the last four years had at last 
received due recognition in the Press. 

Count Andrassy had a long and important 
interview with Prince Charles on June 25, when 
the Prince mentioned his project of declaring 
Koumania an independent State, because the 
relations with the Porte only led to constant 
friction, and were prejudicial to the welfare of his 
country. Moreover, a free Roumania, he held, 
would be a better friend to Turkey than it 
could possibly be under the existing circumstances. 
Count Andrassy pointed out that Roumania, as an 
independent State, would be exposed to danger 
from outside, while at present her safety was 
guaranteed by conventions and treaties. At the 
same time he gave emphatic denial to the rumour 


that Austria had any intention of annexing 
Roumanian territory. " We should be acting 
against our own interests, were we to increase the 
number of our discontented Roumanian subjects, 
and extend our frontier against Russia." Prince 
Charles replied that it would always be his aim 
to remain strictly neutral between his two all- 
powerful neighbours, Austria and Russia. 

The Roumanian section in the exhibition was 
altogether successful ; the centre of attraction was 
a portrait by an American painter, Healy, of the 
Prince in cavalry uniform, and of the Princess in 
national costume. The many-coloured carpets and 
woven silks also received great commendation, as 
well as the wines of the country. 

The Prince quitted Vienna on July 1 by the 
train which carried the German Empress back to 
Germany. The Empress expressed herself greatly 
pleased at the reception accorded her by the 
Austrian capital, especially by the amiability of 
the Emperor Francis Joseph. After a short stay 
at Neuwied Prince Charles proceeded to Ems to 
see the Czar before the latter left for Russia, and 
to congratulate him in person upon the approach- 
ing marriage of the Grand Duchess Marie to the 
Duke of Edinburgh. A couple of days later the 
Prince and Princess again visited Ems, this time 
to see the German Emperor, en route for Imnau, 
where they expected to rejoin the Princess of 
Wied. The Emperor William welcomed his 


Roumanian guests with the utmost cordiality and 
affection, and declared himself delighted with the 
improved relations of the Prince to the Austro- 
Hungarian State. He again pointed out to his 
young cousin the necessity of paying particular 
attention to his army, and reminded him that a 
small but well-disciplined force was far superior to a 
more numerous though less highly trained army. 

An amusing adventure happened to the Prince 
and Princess on their way to Imnau at Giessen, 
where they had the misfortune to miss their 
train, and were forced to spend the night at a 
small hotel near the railway station, without 
either luggage or sufficient money to pay for 
their railway-tickets. As they desired to preserve 
their incognito, they determined to make use of 
their " honest looks " to induce the hotel-keeper 
to advance the necessary sum of money. This 
hope, it is pleasant to note, was not cherished in 
vain, and Imnau was reached on July 8. The 
Prince's parents remained at Hechingen, which 
lies only a short distance from Imnau, but met 
every day either at one place or the other, so that 
Prince Charles Anthony's favourite wish was at last 
fulfilled. In this peaceful fashion a month passed 
only too quickly, and, after a couple of days spent 
at Krauchenwies the wanderers returned to Sinaja 
on August 28, touching Vienna en route, so that 
the Princess might also have an opportunity of 
visiting the exhibition. 


The affairs of Roumania were absolutely un- 
eventful, and the efforts of the Prince, warmly 
supported by the Ministry, made satisfactory 
progress towards the attainment of the high ideal 
which Prince Charles had kept before him ever 
since he first took up his arduous task. In a 
letter written to his parents at Christmas the 
Prince remarked : "Roumania has never witnessed 
so peaceful or, in many respects, so happy a year 
as 1873. The general progress is excellent, and 
the good understanding between the Government 
and the Chambers still continues." 

The early part of 1874 was darkened by the 
illness of Princess Elisabeth, who was seized by a 
contagious disease whilst supervising the distri- 
bution of gifts to the poor children of Bucharest. 
Fortunately the trouble abated in time to enable 
the Princess to enjoy the visit of her brother-in- 
law, Prince Frederick. Princess Marie, too, was 
not spared by the epidemic, and for a few days 
her condition caused the gravest anxiety to her 

From the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, March 21st, 1874. 

"You will certainly have followed with sym- 
pathy the course of the lamentable religio- 
political struggle between our Government and 
the Papal Curia. I am sorry that it should have 
occurred ; but I foresaw it, as the custom, 
established these thirty years, of giving way to 


the demands of Rome rather than maintaining a 
firm position could not possibly continue. I 
think, perhaps, a different sequence in the legisla- 
ture might have been observed ; but since the 
struggle has been undertaken we must carry it 
through. Austria, very opportunely for us, is 
beginning to adopt a similar attitude. 

"I am sorry that there should be a current 
report that the Government wishes to attack the 
Catholic Church and its dogmas for their own sake. 
Every one who is capable of calm deliberation must 
know that nothing is further from our thoughts." 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, April 7th, 1874. 

" I write to you oppressed by care and anxiety 
on account of our dear child, who is suffering from 
scarlet fever. On Saturday she was quite well, 
and drove out with us in the warm spring 
weather ; early on Sunday she complained of not 
being well. Her malady increased towards mid- 
day, and was accompanied by sickness. Towards 
evening she became very restless and feverish, 
and Dr. Theodori recognised the symptoms of a 
dangerous illness. The poor child passed a very 
bad night, moaning and sleepless, whilst we 
watched by her bedside ; at 2 A.M. her skin 
became deep red, and her temperature rose con- 
siderably. Theodori came at eight o'clock and 
pronounced it to be scarlet fever. At noon her 
whole body was burning with heat, and her head 


was affected. The doctor then informed me that 
the illness was so dangerous that he should like 
another opinion. A consultation took place the 
same evening in the sick-room, to which the local 
medical authorities were summoned. They did 
not conceal her serious condition from us, and 
declared that her age added to their anxiety. 

" Another bad night was passed, but the fever 
was less intense the following morning ; there 
was no question of sleep. We do not lose our 
courage, and trust in God, who will not abandon 
us in the hour of our trouble. ..." 

After a slight improvement on the 8th the 
condition of the child became so alarming at 
midnight that her parents, who had not left her 
side till eleven P.M., were again summoned to her 
bed. They found their little daughter gasping 
for breath. The hastily summoned physicians 
declared the condition of their patient to be 
hopeless. As she lay in the lap of her English 
nurse, the child's strength seemed to ebb with 
every minute, and as the first rays of the rising 
sun touched the windows of the room, the 
despairing parents were kneeling by the lifeless 
body of their only child. Only a short time 
could be given them to be near her ; the little 
coffin was closed, and carried by the grief-stricken 
father out of the death-chamber. A long pro- 
cession accompanied the body of the little Princess 


to the Church of Cotroceni, where it was to 
remain until the morrow, which was Good 
Friday. At two o'clock the last sad rites of the 
Orthodox Church were celebrated in the presence 
of an enormous concourse of sympathetic repre- 
sentatives of every class of society. 


" We have just received the unexpected and 
afflicting news of the terrible misfortune that 
has befallen you. May God's grace be with you 
and grant you strength to bear the desperate 
sorrow, the burden of which we know from our 
own experience! In thought I put myself in 
your frame of mind, and realise that you must 
both be numbed with grief at seeing your sweet 
child lifeless before you, and at knowing that you 
can never again see a light in her dear eyes, 
never again a smile on her face ! 

" These are hours in which, in spite of all Chris- 
tian principles, one still asks : why need it have 
been ? And certainly it is hard to say : c Thy will 
be done ! ' 

" I wrote this text on the tomb of my son Sigis- 
mund, your god-child, because I know of no other 
consolation : and yet I cannot conquer that pain 
to-day, though many years have already passed, 
and though God has given me a large family. 
Time does certainly blunt the keenest edge of a 


parent's anguish, but it does not remove the 
burden, which remains a companion for life. . . 

"Your grief is also ours, and you are both the 
object of our anxiety and our prayers ; for that 
my wife is at one with me in these thoughts of 
sympathy you know as well as that these lines 
are for poor Elisabeth no less than for you. God 
be with you, and be merciful to you ! " 

In the following letter, addressed to the Presi- 
dent of the Ministry, Prince Charles endeavoured 
to thank his people for their sympathy. 

" The Almighty has summoned our only and 
dearly loved child from this world of trouble. 

" If a proof of my country's devotion had 
been needed, it could not have been shown 
in a more affecting manner than in these 
days of sorrow, when the sense of the sincere 
sympathy of all has been our chief consolation in 

" And so I desire to assure my country that 
just as it has supported me by its affection in 
the hardest moment of my life, so I shah 1 endeavour 
to repay in good measure the kindness which it 
has manifested towards me. 

" The sweetest memory which our lost daughter 
has left us as an inestimable treasure is her 
boundless love for the country in which she was 
born, a love so strong that despite her tender age 


she felt the pangs of home sickness during her 
first stay abroad. 

"Our child's faith and the language which she 
spoke have assumed a new sanctity in our eyes, 
for every Roumanian word will from henceforth 
be to us the echo of that voice which we shall 
never again hear on earth. 

" Though the dearest and most intimate bond of 
our family circle has been severed, a still stronger 
tie unites us now with our greater family, the 
Roumanian nation, which joins with us in mourn- 
ing the loss of our and their child. 

"It is a sacred duty with the Princess and 
myself to express to one and all, from the depth 
of our sorely tried hearts, our cordial gratitude, 
together with the hope that all will unite with us 
in prayer that the Almighty may grant us strength 
and patience in the trial which He, the Father of 
All, has in His inscrutable wisdom sent to us." 

From PBINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, April litth, 1874. 

" What terrible news ! Though yesterday we 
awaited your telegram not without anxiety, still 
we were reassured towards evening. As long as 
I live I shall not forget to-day's awakening I 
opened the telegram without agitation speech- 
less, and with the keenest heartache, I read it 
again and again. For a long time I could not 
believe in the possibility of the destruction of your 
domestic happiness. God's ways are inscrutable ! 


He has for only too short a time entrusted to you 
a being whom He loved so much that he could 
not but recall her to Him. These lines are not 
meant to console you, for at such moments there 
can be no consolation: they are only to remind us 
all that we must humbly submit, come what 
may ! " 


" We established ourselves here (Cotroceni) 
yesterday, and we hope to find more peace and a 
little consolation for our sorrowing hearts, since 
we shall now be close to the resting-place of our 
loved child. The palace in the capital seemed so 
empty and melancholy to us that we awaited with 
impatience the day when we could leave it. But 
we shall feel our loss bitterly even here. Our 
daily walk is to her grave, where we sit and talk 
over the legacy of rich and manifold memories left 
us by our dear child. The whole country mourns 
for little Marie ; this you know, and will have 
seen from our newspapers ; many expressions of 
sympathy have also reached us from abroad. The 
German Emperor wrote me a very kind letter in 
which he shows his true kindness of heart. I also 
received a letter from the King of Italy, and 
Elisabeth one from the Queen of England, which 
was couched in very warm and affectionate terms. 
The Empress Eugenie also telegraphed her 
sympathy with me. 


" * * Elisabeth's nerves are so shaken that the 
greatest care is necessary. I must confess to you 
that I am often anxious myself, and am much 
depressed by pain, sorrow, and apprehension. I get 
but very little sleep at night, and have repeatedly 
heard my poor Elisabeth cry out in her dreams : 
' Dead, dead ! ' This cry of pain is each time a 
fresh stab in my wounded heart !" 

Whilst Princess Elisabeth sought to conquer 
her grief by distraction in translating Roumanian 
legends and fairy tales, Prince Charles's time was 
claimed by affairs of State. Great Britain, in 
pursuit of its Turkophile policy, wished to accredit 
its new agent, Mr. Vivian, with a letter in which 
mention was made of the " good relations which 
exist between England and the Sublime Porte and 
the territory governed by your Highness." The 
Roumanian Government declined to receive this 
communication, but the incident was eventually 
settled by an exchange of Notes between the 
English Consul-General and the Minister for 
Foreign Affairs. Mr. Vivian had a private 
audience on May 4 with the Prince, who expressed 
his opinion very plainly on the Oriental policy of 


"We are impatiently awaiting Leopold's arrival, 
which is promised for Monday. The Prince of 


Servia will have left us by then ; he has truly 
Oriental ideas of hospitality ! We hold aloof 
from all public entertainments in his honour, and 
only invite him now and again to dinner or tea. 
Every time he comes to Cotroceni he brings a 
wreath, which he places, either with his own hand 
or by another's, on the grave of our child. He is 
a very pleasant, bright, and handsome man, an 
excellent talker ; he is by nature gifted with 
understanding, but is deficient in higher culture. 
His visit here is making a great impression in 
Constantinople, which he quitted in anger. The 
Servians are now on a worse footing with Turkey 
than we are, since they have been refused Swornik. 
After voting us addresses of condolence in corpore 
the Chambers are endeavouring to overthrow the 
Ministry and to form a coalition." 

On June 7 a law was passed providing for the 
allotment of land in Bessarabia to the Bulgarians 
expelled from the right bank of the river. This 
measure was warmly advocated by the Russian 
Consul-General, but Prince Charles, mindful of 
[Russia's declaration in 1871, was disquieted by 
the discovery that the Russian Government had 
not surrendered its hopes of the reacquisition 
of Bessarabia. 

After a short stay in the pleasant groves of 
breezy Sinaja the journey to Franzensbad was 
commenced on July 15 in the company of the 


Hereditary Prince. The Princess of Hohenzollern 
arrived a few days later alone, Prince Charles 
Anthony's infirmities keeping him practically a 
prisoner in his room. Prince Charles was 
delighted to find that his mother's health 
was unaffected by her exertions : " We are in- 
expressibly happy to have her here, but reproach 
ourselves for having taken her from you, and we 
are grieved that you should remain alone at 
Krauchenwies. We fully appreciate the sacrifice 
you have made for us, and thank you with all 
our hearts. 

" The Empress had been so kind as to inquire 
from the Queen of England what watering-place 
would suit us best. The latter replied by 
telegraph that her physician, Sir W. Jenner, 
recommended Eastbourne for Elisabeth ' and her 

" When ladies of so high degree look after a 
watering-place for us, we ought certainly to reap 
the full benefit from our stay ! We shall, 
therefore, probably go to Eastbourne or Hastings. 

" One day is very much like another, and we 
live solely according to the ' Kur.' .... These 
places in Bohemia are fortunately so accustomed 
to Royal visitors that a Queen and an Oriental 
Prince create very little stir/'* 

After paying a flying visit to the German 

* The Queen of Saxony [his cousin] was staying at 


Emperor at Eger the Prince and Princess arrived 
in London on August 19. The Marchioness of 
Lome came to express the Queen's regret at her 
inability to receive the travellers, as she was about 
to set out for Scotland. The Prince of Wales 
and the Duke and Duchess of Edinburgh wel- 
comed Prince Charles and his wife with warm 
sympathy. The young Duchess of Edinburgh 
had changed greatly since the first time Prince 
Charles saw her at Livadia in 1869. Then she 
left the impression of a charming child, but now 
she appeared with all the character of a young 

During their three weeks' stay at St. Leonard's 
the Prince and Princess made manv excur- 


sions to Brighton, Oxford, Woolwich, Chislehurst, 
and the neighbouring country seats of the 
nobility. The visit to Oxford, with Professor 
Max Mliller as cicerone, was of especial interest 
to the Prince, who was much impressed by the 
ancient University, with its glorious colleges. By 
the courtesy of the Secretary of War, Gathorne 
Hardy, Prince Charles was able to make a minute 
inspection of the Woolwich Arsenal. The Prince 
was astonished to find that the heaviest naval 
guns for the British fleet were still built on the 
muzzle-loading principle, and endeavoured, with- 
out much success, to convince his guide, Major- 
General Simmons, of the advantages of the 
breechloading system. 


Several very pleasant hours were spent at Lord 
Brassey's castle and on board his yacht. Lord 
Brassey had visited Roumania on several occa- 
sions, as he was interested in the Offenheim 
railway concession, and was, therefore, no stranger 
to the Prince. A couple of visits were also paid 
to Holmebury House to Lady Mary Anne 
Alford and her brother, Mr. Leveson-Gower, whose 
brother, Lord Granville, had formerly been in 
communication with Roumania as Secretary of 
State for Foreign Affairs. 


" We shall commemorate in quiet and grief the 
birthday of our dear daughter on the 8th of Sep- 
tember. She was the light of our home life. Now 
this anniversary will only teach us, as each year 
comes round, that this earthly life, with all its 
pleasures and sorrows, is but the preparation for 
a better life, and that, therefore, we must not cling 
too much to the things of this world. England by 
no means seems full of this sentiment. I believe 
that in no other country has materialism gone to 
such a length as here. People live solely to enjoy 
their lives et voila tout. Commerce and industry, 
therefore, flourish, which bring in money, and 
money is the essential requisite for English 
comfort ! 

" I discussed the social condition of England 
with Max Mliller, and derived much benefit from 


the insight into the situation here which I owe to 

" Roumania is a terra incognita here, and the 
sympathy with Turkey is so great that it is useless 
to struggle against this folly. Nevertheless, I 
have placed myself in communication with several 
influential Englishmen. 

" In spite of the cutting cold winds, we con- 
tinue our sea-bathing, and derive much benefit 
from it " 

Lord Derby, in reply to a letter from Prince 
Charles, who expressed his regret at not having 
met the Foreign Secretary in London, professed 
his deep concern at being unable to pay the 
Prince a visit before his departure from England. 

On the way home Prince Charles visited the 
Oriental Congress in London, where representa- 
tives of all Eastern nations were assembled. 
Amongst others, the Prince made the acquaint- 
ance of Sir Henry Kawlinson, the decipherer of 
the cuneiform inscriptions ; of L6on Rosnez, the 
learned exponent of Semitic languages; of Sir 
Henry Bartle Frere ; of Sir John Lubbock and 
Charles Kingsley. The majority of these were 
presented to Prince Charles at a Mansion House 
banquet given in honour of the Oriental Congress. 
The quaint ceremonies, the ancient costumes of 
the civic dignitaries, the luxury and wealth of 
the table appointments, and the excellent music 


discoursed during the dinner all contributed to 
attract the Prince's attention and interest. 

The homeward journey lay through Paris, where 
the ruins of the Tuileries awakened melancholy 
reflections ; Strassburg, which still bore plain traces 
of siege, to the Weinburg where Prince Charles 
Anthony was feverishly awaiting their arrival. 
The meeting was most affecting, and the memories 
awakened by the deep mourning of his children 
almost overcame the aged Prince, whose bodily 
infirmities were increasing with every year. The 
stay at the Weinburg ended on October 8. Prince 
Charles Anthony's bodily suffering, though borne 
with heroic courage, threw a melancholy shadow 
over the otherwise happy home life of the 
Hohenzollern family. 

With their return to Sinaja the grief of the 
unfortunate parents was constantly aroused by 
the absence of their dear one from the rooms which 
once were enlivened by her presence ; the very 
gloom of the weather seemed to encourage this 
melancholy mood. 

From the GERMAN EMPEROR, September 26th, 1874. 

" I was very pleased to make the acquaint- 
ance of the bearer of these lines (the Roumanian 
Minister of War) and to see him at our 
manoeuvres, which appeared to interest him 
greatly. My best thanks to you for the letter he 
brought me. I think it most natural that your 


journey this time should have been undertaken 
solely on account of the health of both of you, and 
that, moreover, your mood was not such as to care 
to make any visits except in the narrowest family 
circle. Let us hope that another time you will 
give us the pleasure and joy of seeing you here. 
In any case I am happy to have spoken with you, 
though only for a short time in Eger. 

[" With a thousand greetings to your wife, 
" Your sincere Cousin, 



" We quitted Sinaja three weeks ago with 
heavy hearts to return to Bucharest. The weather 
remained beautiful until a week ago, and our 
longing for the mountains was increased ; the 
more so as the empty rooms of the Palace can 
never appear lively. We endeavour to distract 
ourselves as much as possible and invite people to 
dinner every day, but nothing can make us forget 
the dear voice of our child, which we miss every- 
where and at all times. 

" I opened the Chamber yesterday. My speech 
was short, and touched only on practical questions. 

" The question of the commercial treaties is on 
the high road to an immediate solution, the only 
difficulties are matters of detail. We are now 
negotiating with Austria-Hungary, whose interest 
it is to enter on closer relations with us both 


politically and commercially. Even now the Porte 
cannot grow resigned to a defeat which is due to 
its own lack of skill. England, France, and Italy 
will have no course left but to adopt the same line 
as the three other Great Powers ; their representa- 
tives here are quite willing to influence their 
Governments in our favour. We have every 
reason to be satisfied with our Diplomatic Corps ; 
France and England, in particular, have sent us 
amiable and experienced men, who have already 
travelled throughout the country, and can judge 
of our circumstances with intelligence. They have 
both pleaded for the commercial conventions in 
their reports." 

A most interesting and important report on the 
condition of the Servian forces in 1874 was 
received on January 9, 1875. M. Sturdza prefaced 
his remarks by insisting upon the extreme difficulty 
of ascertaining the truth about Servia : Chau- 
vinism and love of exaggeration conspired to keep 
strangers in the dark. He had, however, been 
able to discover enough to prove that the Servian 
troops were, strictly speaking, no army at all. 
Both quality and quantity left much to be desired, 
whilst the standing force of 5000 men was hardly 
sufficient to keep order in the interior. The per- 
manent force of cavalry amounted to but one soli- 
tary squadron, whilst only one battery was armed 
with modern guns. The fortresses were in an 


indefensible condition, as their sole armament con- 
sisted of the guns which the Turks had left there. 
The Territorial Army was of still less value than 
the standing army. Without officers and without 
equipment or proper arms it in no way deserved 
serious consideration. The political situation of 
Servia also gave rise to considerable doubt as to 
the stability of Prince Milan's Government. The 
Press constantly urged the Croats, Slavonians, and 
Hungarian Servians to rebel against Austria. 
Prince Milan had flouted Germany by his openly 
expressed sympathy with France, whilst England's 
favour had been lost by the anti-Turkish policy of 
the Ministry. Russia, Servia's best friend, had 
supported the Ministry, until it applied to the 
French Ambassador in Constantinople for his 
assistance in the Swornik question. Count Igna- 
tiew was so much exasperated by this step that 
he counselled the Porte to resist the demands for 
the withdrawal of the Turkish troops from that 

The attitude of the populace of Montenegro and 
Herzegowina towards Turkey threatened most 
serious complications in January 1875. The mas- 
sacres of Christians at Podgoritza late in 1874 still 
remained unpunished, though the instigators had 
already been sentenced by Turkish Courts. Repre- 
sentations to the Sublime Porte resulted in the 
preposterous demand that the Montenegrins, who 
had been the cause of the disturbance, should be 


tried by a Turkish Court before the sentences on 
the Ottoman officials were carried out. Even- 
tually the Ambassadors of the Powers suc- 
ceeded in persuading the Porte to abandon this 

Prince Milan's popularity had suffered greatly 
by his favouritism and caprice, whilst his Ministry 
seemed to aim either at forcing him to abdicate, 
or at least at putting such difficulties in his way 
that the Powers would be forced to intervene, and 
thus effect his fall. His long stay in Paris in 1874, 
together with his unbounded extravagance, gave 
rise to most unfavourable comment. " It is 
asserted that the Prince's debts now amount to 
the whole of his private fortune. Bills of exchange 
arrive every day from abroad and cannot be paid. 
His landed property in Wallachia will be invaded. 
Expedients for borrowing from all sides are seen 
at the Palace. Many people here, even peasants, 
are owed money. The civil list has been spent six 
months in advance." 


"... I only now realise the magnitude of the 
work your Highness has undertaken, a work which 
demands the highest form of heroism, the heroism 
of patience ! To sow without the hope of enjoy- 
ing the harvest demands a degree of faith such as 
is not common in the present day. If I were 
younger, I would enthusiastically offer my services 


to the warden of European culture on the Danube, 
and would leave him no peace until the schools 
and universities had become the pride of his 
people and an example to the whole world. Guns 
are wanted ; railways are wanted ; but, above all, 
schools are wanted ; they are the most sacred 
duty of all ! It is often hard to love or to benefit 
our neighbours, but we can all love and benefit 
our own posterity. When the Budget of Love 
(education) is as high as the Budget of Hatred 
(war), the Eastern Marches will be under the pro- 
tection of Europe even without treaties. 

"Public opinion in England remains unaltered 
the arrival of a telegram from the Danube 
makes us tremble in every limb. Two reasons for 
this are apparent. Humanity is the slave of 
phrase, and the phrase, ' integrity of the Ottoman 
Empire,' is as much a matter of course to the 
English as 'Britannia rules the waves.' Such 
phrases have a firmer hold on English policy than 
on French or German. The Turkish funds form 
the second reason. ..." 

On February 14, 1875, Prince Charles received 
the Spanish Ambassador, who came to announce 
the accession of Alfonso De Borbon y Borbone " by 
the Grace of God and the National Will King of 
Spain." Don Gherardi was received with every 
honour usual on such occasions at the European 
Courts. Though this step of the King of Spain 


was entirely due to his personal relations to 
the Roumanian Court, and not to any political 
motive, it nevertheless caused much excitement 
in diplomatic circles, as it was practically tanta- 
mount to the recognition of the independence of 
Roumania. The Sublime Porte at once demanded 
satisfaction from Spain, and declared that Turkey 
would not recognise the new kingdom until such 
satisfaction had been given. 


"One of the most ridiculous and narrow- 
minded of political interests is the unbounded 
importance attached to the Spanish notification 
to Bucharest, which is treated as seriously as 
though the whole Eastern Question depended 
upon it. The English papers, followed by 
those of Berlin, never tire of discussing this 
matter from every point of view. It is truly 
ridiculous, but, on the other hand, discloses 
the still prevailing aversion from your eman- 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, March 19ih, 1875. 

" We lost all communication with abroad and 
the interior for a whole month in consequence of 
heavy snowstorms. Many accidents and consider- 
able losses have occurred which will be more 
severely felt here, where misfortunes, as well as 
prosperity, are ascribed to the Government, 


than elsewhere. It is hard to realise the 
sufferings of the poor peasants : famine and 
typhus raged in several villages ; and it was 
impossible to send them help ! No one dared to 
go out of doors on account of the multitude of 
wolves which infested every locality in search 
of food. According to official reports, these 
brutes have devoured a number of human 
beings and cattle, whilst the bears have done 
equal damage on the mountains ! The total 
suspension of railway traffic has caused a most 
unwelcome loss of 3,000,000 francs to the State 
at a moment when the deficit had been covered 
with difficulty. Trade also has suffered mate- 
rially, as all business was interrupted ; the 
Exchequer has had no money for the last ten 
days, as no remittances arrived from the districts 
and all payments had to be suspended in con- 
sequence ! All this had a serious effect on every 
one ; discontent and ill-humour prevail every- 
where ! . . . 

" The slowness of the present thaw will, it is to 
be hoped, prevent larger inundations ; the streets 
in town, however, are in an incredible state ; loco- 
motion is only possible in sleighs which are in 
imminent danger of being capsized. This hap- 
pened to us last week, but we escaped unhurt. 
Elisabeth was delighted at the adventure, but I 
am ashamed at having been upset in my capital ! 
Our hound, Mentor, was so terrified by this acci- 


dent that he refused to get into the sleigh again, 
and went home on foot. . . . 

" Russia and Germany have declared them- 
selves willing to negotiate commercial and con- 
sular conventions with us. England regrets that 
she has not been able to frustrate the fait 
accompli, but, nevertheless, makes a bonne mine 
ct mauvais jeu. Yet she could not help inciting 
the Sublime Porte, by her very anti-Roumanian 
representative in Constantinople, to issue the 
ridiculous protest about the Spanish notification. 
This was an ill turn to Turkey, as an innocent 
affair was expanded into a cause celebre. . . . 
The expenditure of 5,000,000 francs (for warlike 
purposes) produces not a little disquiet, and has 
set England against us ; and yet England is one 
of the keenest competitors for the contract ! Very 
significant ! " 

On March 28, 1875, the Chamber's legislative 
period of four years came to an end. Not only 
was it the first time that one and the same 
Chamber had sat for the full term, but it was also 
the first time that the same Ministry had both 
opened and closed the Chamber, an achieve- 
ment which speaks volumes for the progress and 
development of the Principalities during this 

Prince Charles accepted the presidency of the 
Bucharest Jockey Club, founded by Mr. Vivian, 


the English Consul-General, in April 1875. At a 
banquet on April 18 the Prince expressed the 
hope that the foundation of the Club would be 
beneficial to horse-breeding in Roumania, and 
restore the industry to the position it held in the 
time of Frederick the Great, who procured part of 
his remounts from Moldavia. 


" My life is so quiet and lonely that my 
connection with the outer world is actually based 
on confidential letters and the newspapers alone. 

" Nevertheless, I am very well posted, and 
am daily better able to appreciate that one sees, 
hears, and judges all the more clearly for being 
more concentrated and quiet. Unfortunately I 
cannot say that the policy of the young German 
Empire satisfies me at present. 

" The demand on the Italian Government about 
the Papal Guarantee law appears to me to be 
out of place. Difficulties increase every day in 
the religious-political field, and it does not seem 
clear how we are to get out of it without 
entrenching on matters of Catholic belief. I 
certainly am no Ultramontane ; but my objective 
sense of justice revolts against our tactics, groping 
wholly in the dark against a power which possesses 
an unparalleled spiritual influence. Our alliances 
at present are more of a personal nature than 
based upon mutual interests. Fortunately the 


universal desire for peace has now gained the 
upper hand everywhere. 

" Everything seems to be going well and quietly 
with you ; it is to be hoped that the elections 
will not cause too great excitement in the country. 
However, you are already more or less accustomed 
to these agitations : and with sangfroid one may 
regulate much which at first appears to be over- 

As a matter of fact, with the exception of a 
couple of student demonstrations in Bucharest, 
the elections took place in perfect peace and 
order, and resulted again in a large majority for 
the Conservative Government. The Opposition, 
it is true, attempted to prove that the Ministry 
had influenced the elections, and twelve Liberal 
judges of the first instance resigned as a protest. 

One of the first duties of the new Chamber 
was the election of a successor to the venerable 
Niphon, the Metropolitan of Bucharest, who died 
suddenly on May 17, 1875, at the age of eighty- 
four. The body, in accordance with a strange old 
custom, was seated on the archiepiscopal throne 
in the Metropolie, dressed in full canonicals a 
picture of peaceful and spiritual dignity. Count- 
less numbers of orthodox believers thronged the 
church to kiss the Metropolitan's hand for the 
last time. All through the night priests chanted 
before the altar, whilst high and low, rich and 


poor, passed in one long line before the dead 
Prince of the Church. 

Owing to the great heat it was found impos- 
sible to comply with the custom of carrying the 
seated corpse to the monastery of Cernica. Four 
priests therefore held the chair on a hearse open 
on all four sides, and thus bore the venerated 
priest to the burial-place of his predecessors. 
Many of the spectators threw themselves to the 
ground as the procession passed them. 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, June 21st, 1875. 

" I write to you to-day with painful emotion, 
after an escape from a great danger. . . . The 
railway journey to Giurgiu, when I was accom- 
panied by a number of senators and deputies, as 
well as the return journey as far as Filaret, passed 
uneventfully ; at the last-named station the train 
crossed over to the loop line. The engine had the 
tender in front. 

" I looked out of the window and noticed that 
the train was moving on to a line at Dealu-Spirei, 
where a ballast train was already standing. I 
sat down quickly and said to those who were 
with me in the saloon-carriage : ' Sit down, there 
is going to be a collision ! ' At the moment a 
violent shock took place, throwing my companions 
on to the floor; I was thrown in my armchair 
against the table opposite. A second shock 
threw me backwards, breaking the chair; my 


sword was bent round my knee and probably 
caused the contusion, but unquestionably saved 
my leg. Every one hastened to help me, but I 
got up unaided and said a few reassuring words. 
We had all blows about the head ; Davila was 
bleeding. . . . 

" The tender and the engine were both derailed 
and ran into the sand. Three carriages of the 
ballast train were destroyed and a couple of our 
carriages were much damaged. . . . We were 
about one mile from Cotroceni, and walked there 
in spite of the heat. . . . Fortunately Elisabeth 
first heard what had happened from my own 
lips I " 


" God has clearly protected you ! You can 
imagine the tremendous play that imagination 
possesses when so great a distance divides us. ... 

" I know from experience how tedious injuries 
to the shin bone are ; on reckoning up my own 
threefold experiences of that kind I find that I 
spent a good six months' time on the chaise 
longue / . . . 

" I prefer to be silent about our policy it is 
most unpleasant for us that the Czar of Russia 
should be hailed on all sides as the apostle of 
peace. Radowitz is said to have conducted 
himself passionately and without tact : his imme- 
diate transfer to Athens is discussed. I con- 


gratulate you on your successful elections ; it is 
quite clear that the longing for material develop- 
ment has gained the upper hand over the empty 
aims of the dreamers ! " 

From, THE SAME. 

"The excitement over the Church struggle is 
beginning to abate. 

' "The blunders of the Government and the 
Ultramontane party mutually set each other off. 
It is a pity that they are not confined to one 
side, for then the crisis would be hastened to the 
general benefit. 

" I had an opportunity of going thoroughly 
into these questions with the Emperor during 
his visit here. He is inclined to a conciliatory 
attitude, but is not sufficiently informed. I have 
made him understand much, for which he was 
grateful, and which he is the readier to believe 
since I adhere to the basis of the May laws, but 
condemn the petty method of carrying them out. 
The Emperor was full of touching sympathy with 
us, asked minutely after you, and was very well 
pleased with the course of your policy." 



DURING the month of August 1875, the situa- 
tion in Eastern Europe suddenly assumed a 
threatening aspect, through the outbreak of an 
armed insurrection argainst the Turkish rule in 
Herzegowina, actively supported by Servia, Mon- 
tenegro, and Bosnia, and countenanced (at any 
rate in secret) by Russia. The Servians were 
foremost in clamouring for war, hoping by the 
prowess of their own army in the field of battle 
and the assistance of Austria and Russia to shake 
off finally the hated rule of the Sultan. 

The oppressed and persecuted Christians of the 
north-western portion of the Balkan peninsula had 
watched the steady progress and constant develop- 
ment of their brethren in Croatia, Servia, and 
Montenegro with curious eyes, whilst they them- 
selves were still groaning under the heavy Otto- 
man yoke. Nor, indeed, was this feeling of despair 
and exasperation confined to the Christian inhabi- 
tants alone, for the Bosnian Mohammedans, who 


had hitherto fought for the Sultan and whose 
ancestors, in order to retain their possessions, had 
embraced Islam, now joined the Christian insur- 
gents in aiming at the separation of Bosnia and 
Herzegowina from the Ottoman Empire. The 
secret debates in the Servian Skuptschina resulted 
in the presentation of two addresses to Prince 
Milan, one advocating the proclamation of peace to 
be published, the other offering him 3,000,000 
ducats and an army of 40,000 men to support the 
rebellion to be kept secret. Montenegro was only 
waiting for a signal from Servia before commencing 
open hostilities. 

The manifesto of the insurgents demanded the 
autonomy of Bosnia and Herzegowina under a 
Christian ruler ; in return for this they pledged 
themselves to recognise the suzerainty of the Porte 
and to pay tribute in the same way as the other 
vassal States of the Ottoman Empire. An attempt 
by the Great Powers to maintain peace through 
the mediation of their consuls failed owing to the 
insurgents refusing to place any confidence in the 
execution of the reforms promised by the Porte. 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, October 3rd, 1875. 

"The disturbances in the Balkan peninsula, 
though apparently quieted for the moment, are 
still far from settlement. The insurrection is 
making great secret progress and gathering force 
like an avalanche. As the original motive was 


neither a political nor a national one, but merely a 
rebellion against oppressive taxation from which 
the Christian peasant hoped to free himself by 
force of arms, peace will not be restored until 
radical reforms put an end to the misrule of the 
Pachas. Oriental Christians are thoroughly tired 
of Turkish misgovernment, and but for the entente 
of the Northern Powers serious complications 
would long ago have arisen. As it is, they are 
only delayed ; they certainly are not entirely done 
away with. Diplomacy is incapable of solving the 
Eastern Question ; the East alone can solve it on 
the field of battle by a combination of the nations 
directly interested ! Our present policy is to 
await the advantage of events ; the financial ruin 
of Turkey will then aid us further. 

In Servia everything is topsy-turvy, and the 
end will be either a war or a revolution. In any 
case serious times are coming for us, and no one 
knows when a clear insight into this muddle will 
be obtained. For my own part, I want to gain 
time in order to regulate various questions of 
economy, such as the re-purchase of the railways ; 
I should also like to increase the military strength 
of my country. Our new arms will not be 
delivered before spring." 


" Matters are progressing slowly but surely in 
the Empire. The German nation adheres to the 


Emperor and the Empire, whilst many Cabinets 
only yield to force of circumstances. In South 
Germany the Wiirttemberg Army Corps has been 
able to assimilate our principles so thoroughly that 
it is almost on the level of a Prussian Corps. The 
Bavarians, too, are very industrious, and take 
great pains to bring their army organisation up to 
our standard, in spite of certain hostile elements 
whose aim it is to frustrate this object, and who 
have succeeded in preventing Prussian instructors 
from being sent there, and Bavarian soldiers from 
coming to us to learn their work, which Wiirttem- 
berg has done for the last eight years. 

" I found your dear father as full of mental 
vigour as ever, but, unfortunately, quite unable to 
walk ; on the other hand, he possesses remarkable 
skill in managing his invalid chair, in which he 
moves about the room without any assistance ! 
Your mother, brother, and sister seemed happy and 
in good health, and the family circle was uncom- 
monly merry. A water-colour in your mother's 
room greatly interested, me ; it represents you 
handing the insignia of his office to a Metropolitan, 
and you look like a Father of the Church yourself. 
It seems to me that in your part of the world a 
ruler has more influence in the appointment of the 
high dignitaries of the Church than here a truly 
enviable state of affairs. . . . 

" I am enjoying these warm autumn days in 
peace and quiet, after having drained the cup of 


inspections to the dregs. I am always willing to 
fulfil my duties, but there are limits, especially 
when one is no longer as young as one was. I had 
to attend manoeuvres in Wiirttemberg, Bavaria, 
Silesia, and Mecklenburg, and as these countries 
do not exactly lie close together, I dashed from 
one to the other by rail, like a state messenger. 
Victoria and I spent six enjoyable weeks in the 
spring in gorgeous Italy, just in time to reassure 
the apprehensive political amateurs who were 
excited by absurd rumours of war. 

" William* is in the first form at the Cassel 
Gymnasium. We think that the next two years, 
while he is growing up, will be beneficial to his 
development ; he likes being there. Henry really 
seems to be taken with the idea of a sailor's life ; 
we shall therefore soon have to prepare him 
for this career." 

The declaration of the agents of the guaran- 
teeing Powers that they would not protect Servia 
from invasion unless the aggressive policy of the 
Ristitch Ministry was abandoned led to the 
fall of the Ministry towards the end of September. 
This event was regretted by none except the 
adherents of the Red Party, who, however, 
retained the reins of power. A saying current 
at the time made the following striking com- 

* The present German Emperor. 


parison : "Servia is peopled with Ministers, like 
Roumania ! " 

To the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, October 22nd, 1875. 

"Your kind letter was a source of real joy to 
me. God's best gift to humanity is loyalty ; 
and I think He must have given you a double 
measure. That we, who are separated from all 
our loved ones for life, are doubly rejoiced to find 
ourselves remembered, I need not tell you, nor 
that your sympathy with our eternal regret has 
comforted us. At this moment we are suffering 
an unexpected and uncommon trial ; Elisabeth 
felt an ever increasing difficulty in walking this 
summer, which we attributed to malaria, damp- 
ness, and a tendency to rheumatism. For the 
last few days she has remained in bed, lame in 
both feet. I need not tell you how great is our 
terror after the experiences of both our families ! 
The affair, however, has now taken a turn for the 
better. . . . 

" I was greatly interested by what you wrote 
about your children : so intelligent and simple an 
education must certainly make them thorough in 
every way. I find it hard to think of you sur- 
rounded by such big sons. . . . 

" Great excitement prevails just now in Servia ; 
I think the young Prince is either steering 
towards a war or a revolution ! It is true at 
present he is enjoying his honeymoon with his 


pretty wife, who is closely related to all the great 
families of Moldavia. The Servians would cer- 
tainly have preferred to see their ambition satis- 
fied by the choice of a ' real Princess ' as a consort 
for the Prince. . . ." 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, November 27th, 1875. 

"... So long as the suzerainty was merely 
an empty form, restricted to the payment of 
tribute or to impediments in affairs of treaties, 
mints, and orders, Europe was justified in declin- 
ing to hear our complaints ; but from the moment 
that our dependence on the Porte hinders our 
economical development, hampers our financial 
reforms, and damages our credit, we can reason- 
ably demand that a sharp political line of demar- 
cation be drawn between an Empire which is 
incapable of any reform and a flourishing young 
State which has given Europe material guarantees 
during the last few years ! I recently had a con- 
versation on the subject with the Austrian repre- 
sentative, who admitted that this was the correct 
view of the situation, but that a precipitate step 
might compromise the excellent position which 
Roumania occupies to-day. I replied that, before 
all else, I desired the preservation of peace, in 
order to gain time for the execution of all neces- 
sary reforms, the re-acquisition of the railways, 
and the construction of connecting lines, and that 
it was the business of the Great Powers to secure 


us a position which corresponded to the interest 
and dignity of the country. 

"Unfortunately the result of this Eastern 
tangle cannot be foreseen. Do the three great 
Northern Powers really desire peace ? And will 
they ever succeed in restoring peace ? There are 
too many factors to be taken into consideration ; 
Turkey seems to have been given up at last (in the 
public opinion of Europe) ; even the English are 
being forced to accustom themselves slowly to this 
idea, which will certainly cost them much. When 
once considerations for the Porte are abandoned, 
the solution of the Eastern Question, which 
frightens the diplomats of Europe, will be mate- 
rially simplified. Roumania is destined to become 
the Belgium of the Lower Danube ; why do the 
Cabinet hesitate to declare this ? We can wait ; 
but, as far as Europe is concerned, it would be a 
guarantee of peace in the East. 

" I opened the Chambers to-day with a short 
and powerful speech from the throne, which I am 
sure will make no unfavourable impression in 
Europe. The disturbances in Herzegowina could 
not be passed over in silence, but were mentioned 
with such caution that public opinion cannot be 
disquieted. Our relations with the Turks are 
strained : they will not grant us even the smallest 
concession ; they actually refuse to concede us the 
name Roumania ; all this is to their own dis- 
advantage. . . . Greece has begun to stir ; depu- 


tations from Thessaly, Epirus, and Crete have 
appeared in Athens, and their proposals have 
been very favourably received. The aggrandise- 
ment of Greece is the only salvation for that 
unfortunate country." 

From PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, December 1875. 

" The Eastern Question will shortly be solved ; 
what could only have been expected to happen 
in the course of years will have already come 
to pass. The chief point is that France and 
England have at length begun to realise that the 
* sick man ' can no longer be helped. Turkey 
perishes through the financial ruin she has brought 
upon herself! For the distant observer it is 
interesting to note that the eyes of all are turned 
towards Roumania, whose moderation is highly 
appeciated everywhere. This moderation is the 
only means by which Europe can be prepared for 
the approaching independence of your country 
an independence which must be founded on the 
belief of its necessity, and when it comes, must 
come as a surprise to nobody. I congratulate you 
on your political reserve and on the art of waiting, 
the exercise of which you seem to have mastered 
in opposition to the character of the Roumanian 
nation. Precipitate action would be a great mis- 
take, and could not be excused, even were the 
peace of the country at stake ; the whole of 


Europe would discountenance Roumania if she 
were to arouse a Continental war. . . . 

" I would willingly send the Crown Prince an 
extract from your letter, but I must tell you that 
he has at present no influence either on home 
or on foreign policy, the direction of which lies 
exclusively in the hands of the Chancellor. 

" In this Eastern Question Germany only 
occupies the third place after Russia and Austria ; 
but, when the decisive moment for weighing the 
respective interests of those two States arrives, 
you will find that Germany has reserved for 
herself the option of placing her weight on that 
side of the balance which seems most advan- 
tageous to the development of the German 
Empire. . . ." 

The projected reforms, which were to place 
Christians and Mohammedans on an equal foot- 
ing on paper were published by the Sublime 
Porte in December, but failed to awaken much 
appreciation either abroad or at home, where the 
financial crisis assumed threatening proportions. 
The Sultan's mind was at this time apparently 
occupied chiefly by the idea that he had been 
bewitched, and by constant demands for money, 
regardless of the fact that his troops were dying 
by thousands from cold and hunger in Herze- 
gowina, and that the salaries of all officials 
remained months in arrear. 


In spite of the so-called entente of the Powers, 
a strong rivalry was noticeable between Russia 
and Austria, especially with regard to the eventual 
attitude of Roumania. 

To PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, February 8th, 1876. 

" The Austrian representative inquires what 
we shall do in the event of Russian troops 
occupying the country ; the Russian sounds us to 
find out whether we repose any confidence in 
Austria-Hungary ; but both adjure us not to act 
hastily. They desire peace, because they grudge 
each other the solution of the Eastern Question, 
and because neither is prepared for war. It 
cannot be denied that we are suffering from this 
indecision, and are exposed to every possible 
danger. So much is certain, that Russia is 
concentrating troops on the Moldavian frontier, 
and that General Ignatieff declared to the Turkish 
Ministers in the presence of my representative, 
Prince Jean Ghika, that his Government would 
seize the Danube Principalities as a pledge as 
soon as the Turks occupied Servia and Monte- 
negro ! It is, of course notorious that you cannot 
weigh every word of the Russian Ambassador in 
Constantinople in a goldsmith's scales ; yet we 
must not ignore these heedless comments. . . . 
We are resolved to repel with armed force any 
occupation, no matter from which side it comes. 
We naturally cannot hold out against a Great 


Power, yet we shall be able to preserve our 
standing point without, as formerly, meeting the 
army of occupation as our saviours. . . . 

" Matters are not progressing favourably in 
Servia. The population of that portion of the 
East has fixed its eyes on Montenegro, which 
enjoys great authority amongst the Slavs, and 
great respect from the Turks. Prince Nicholas, 
with whom I am on the best terms, is treated 
with especial consideration and leniency by 
Russia and Austria, a thing which unfortunately 
cannot be said of the young Milan." 

On April 6, 1876, Prince Milan sent his uncle, 
M. Catargiu, to inform Prince Charles that he 
had decided on war with Turkey, and hoped that 
Roumania would not remain content with the 
role of a passive spectator, as it was to the 
interest of both countries to free themselves from 
the Turkish suzerainty. Prince Charles, however, 
did not abandon the strict reserve with which he 
had hitherto received similar communications. 

The startling news of a deficit of 30,000,000 
francs, at a time when the political situation 
rendered an increased expenditure on the army 
essential, led on April 11, 1876, to the fall of the 
Catargiu Ministry, which for five eventful and, 
on the whole, prosperous years had assisted 
Prince Charles in the consolidation of the Princi- 
palities. General Floresku was entrusted with 


the formation of the new Cabinet, which, as it 
included two other generals, was promptly dubbed 
the " Cabinet of Generals " by the Opposition 
Press. Strange to say, the life of this quasi- 
military government depended on the votes of 
the eight bishops, as the supporters of the 
Government disposed of thirty-seven, and the 
Opposition thirty-four votes in the Senate. 


" The greatest excitement prevails here, and 
there are rumours of conspiracies and revolutions, 
which do not, however, daunt me. I go straight 
ahead and do my duty. My chief anxieties are 
the condition of our finances and the serious 
situation in the East. . . . Servia is in a state of 
great agitation, and is driving with all sails set 
towards war. I warned Prince Milan not to 
expose his throne and country to danger by a 
hasty step ; but he declared that he could no 
longer master the current, and had to choose 
between a war and a revolution ! Quite recently 
I called upon him to delay taking action, and 
informed him that he must not reckon on 
Boumania, which would observe the strictest 
neutrality. He received this exhortation in a 
very bad humour." 

Yet another step towards the coming war was 
the outbreak of a revolution in Bulgaria, where a 


petition had been circulating for several weeks to 
induce the Sultan to convert that Vilayet into a 
constitutional kingdom. A manifesto was issued 
by the secret National Government of Bulgaria 
in Bucharest, calling all Bulgarians to arms, as 
the hour of their liberation had arrived. This 
manifesto was published broadcast throughout 
the Bulgarian Vilayet, and met with enthusiastic 
response everywhere. 

In the meantime, the " Cabinet of Generals " 
was forced to resign owing to its inherent weak- 
ness, and a " Ministry of Conciliation," as Prince 
Charles termed it, was formed by M. Jepureanu 
on May 8, 1876. 

Prince Charles welcomed the two Vice-Presi- 
dents of the Senate, Prince Jon Ghika and 
Demeter Sturdza, whom he had not seen for more 
than five years, with a few friendly words on the 
presentation of an address from the Senate on 
May 14. A few days later the Prince expressed 
his regret to M. Sturdza that he, whom he had 


always trusted, should have adopted during the 
past five years an anti-dynastic policy in personal 
opposition to the Sovereign. The Roumanian 
statesman replied that the only excuse he could 
offer was that he had misunderstood the Prince's 
motives, and thought that he had allowed himself 
to be* induced by the views of one party to 
measures which would be of no benefit to the 


From tlie GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, May 22nd, 1876. 
"Ever since your last letter reached my hands 
the rapt attention of Europe has been fixed on 
Stamboul and the seething Turkish provinces. 
This state of affairs reminds me of the time 
before 1864, when every conversation about the 
solution of the Schleswig-Holstein Question 
ended thus : ' Let us wish the Danish King long 
life, that the conflict may be delayed as long as 
possible.' But Frederick VII. died suddenly, and 
misfortune was at the doors. The situation to- 
day is the more favourable in that none of the 
Great Powers have any longing to fight, because, 
God knows, enough blood has been shed these 
last few years. So far as we Germans are con- 
cerned, the Eastern Question possesses no imme- 
diate interest for us : our only care is the 
protection of our countrymen, on whose account 
our iron-clad squadron is now manoeuvring." 

A revolution in the palace at Constantinople 
resulted in the deposition of Abdul Aziz in favour 
of Murad V. on May 30, 1876 ; but, though the 
accession of the new Sovereign brought with 
it plenty of promises of reform, the situation 
remained as threatening as before. Almost every 
day fresh reports of unheard-of cruelties and 
massacres were received from Bulgaria, where 
bashi-bazouks were suppressing the insurrection 
with barbarous severity. 


The attitude of England now engrossed the 
attention of Prince Charles, as the following 
extracts will show : 


" The most noteworthy incident of the present 
day is the energetic awakening of England, which 
has suddenly assumed, so to speak, a position ' on 
guard/ and, relinquishing its passive attitude, is com- 
mencing an aggressive policy against Hussia. Should 
this positive attitude of England secure the peace 
of the world, she will deserve the highest apprecia- 
tion ; but whether the future position of Roumania 
will be bettered by it is quite another question ! 
The disclosure of the Russian aims, contained in 
Ignatieff's proposals (if, indeed, they are the least 
true), is very curious, and the gain to Roumania 
by its elevation to a kingdom is very problematical. 
The connection with the Porte is by no means as 
heavy a burden as the supremacy of Russia ! " 


" The situation in Constantinople remains un- 
altered by the change of rulers or the assassi- 
nation* of the Ministers. The system of 
corruption is so deeply rooted in every branch of 
the Turkish administration that no Government 

* A fanatic forced his way into the Turkish Council 
Chamber on June 15 and killed two Ministers Hussein Avni 
and Reschid, besides wounding the Minister of Marine. 


will ever succeed in exterminating it. The pro- 
posed reforms are and will remain empty promises, 
which gain no credit either with Mohammedans 
or Christians. The insurrections will, therefore, 
even in the most favourable circumstances, con- 
tinue to exist until the Ottoman Empire is shaken 
to its foundations, if it is not overthrown entirely. 
Smaller States will then arise, which will possess a 
more or less protracted vitality. 

"England has at last gauged the situation 
correctly : Lord Derby's declaration in the Upper 
House, maintaining that the Treaty of Paris only 
guarantees the integrity of Turkey from attacks 
from abroad, but that none of the signatory 
Powers can intervene between the Porte and the 
Tributary States, is most significant. If all the 
Great Powers were to adopt this the only correct 
point of view the Oriental conflict would be 
localised, and we should thus avoid serious com- 
plications. The vassal States and the various 
Provinces must be allowed to break their horns. 
If they succeed in emerging victorious from the 
struggle with their suzerain, tant mieux ! If not, 
they do not deserve to be independent countries. 

" The Servians will not wait for the ' green- 
table ' decisions of diplomacy : they will decide 
their fate themselves. Bulgaria is in a state of 
great agitation ; revolutionary committees have 
been formed everywhere to incite the populace to 
throw off the Turkish yoke. We are saddled 


with the thankless task of impeding the communi- 
cations of the committees here with those in 
Bulgaria, and with preventing the invasion of 
Turkey by armed bands. We had repeatedly to 
act with energy, and arrest the leaders with their 
troops ; they were, of course, liberated in a couple 
of days, but their weapons were seized. 

"... Servia is ready for war, and inquiring 
what will be the attitude of Roumania in the event 
of Turkish warships steaming up the Danube ? 
The Servians, moreover, are not on the best of 
terms with Roumania owing to our strictly 
neutral attitude. Germany, on the other hand, 
is convinced that the Turks, in spite of the con- 
dition of their finances, are still capable of con- 
siderable military efforts, and will annihilate the 
Servians in a war; and she has, through the 
medium of her agent, congratulated the Roumanian 
Government on its attitude. ..." 

The insurgents in Herzegowina proclaimed the 
Prince of Montenegro as their ruler, whilst the 
Bosnians placed themselves under Prince Milan, 
who now forwarded a quasi-ultimatum to the 
Porte, demanding the incorporation of Bosnia in 
the Principality of Servia under the suzerainty of 
Turkey. Roumania seized the opportunity of 
reminding the Sublime Porte of certain disputes 
which still remained unsettled, in spite of the 
loyalty shown by the Prince's Government to the 


conventions. The following seven points were 
then submitted to the Porte : 

(1) The recognition of Roumania's individuality 
as a State. 

(2) The addition of the Roumanian Agent to the 
Diplomatic Corps in Constantinople. 

(3) The regulation of the position of Roumanians 
in Turkey, and the recognition of Roumanian 
consular jurisdiction over them. 

(4) The recognition of the inviolability of Rou- 
manian territory. 

(5) The conclusion of extradition, commercial, 
and postal conventions between Turkey and 

(6) The recognition of Roumanian passports. 

(7) The definition of the Roumanian frontier at 
the Delta of the Danube. 

Servia declared war on June 30, 1876, followed a 
couple of days later by Montenegro. The Servian 
forces amounted to 56,000 men, concentrated on 
the line Alexinatz and Deligrad, whilst Prince 
Nicholas mustered 24,000 men, in addition to 4000 
insurgents from Herzegowina. The Turkish force 
consisted of 97,000 men, divided into four columns, 
under Suleiman, Mehemed, Achmed and Osman 
Pachas, the commander-in-chief being Abdul 
Kerim. The fortune of war did not favour the 
Servian insurgents under the Russian General 
Tschernaiew, who were beaten near Babinaglawa 
on July 9, and eventually forced to fall back 


behind the Servian frontier. The Montenegrin 
troops, however, defeated Selim Pacha on the 16th 
and 17th July, and compelled Moukhtar Pacha to 
retire on Trebinje on the 29th. The course of the 
war showed that the Servians had completely over- 
estimated both their military spirit and their 
material resources for war, and they were only 
saved from annihilation by the intervention of the 
Powers on their behalf in obtaining an armistice 
for fourteen days, from September 16 to October 1. 
In Roumania, in the meantime, a most inoppor- 
tune attack was made on the late Conservative 
Government by the Radicals, who demanded a full 
inquiry into the causes of the deficit, and the pro- 
secution of twelve former Ministers for the three 
following offences : 

(1) Violation of the Constitution and public 

(2) Extravagance in the expenditure of public 

(3) Abuse of power when in office. 

The debates in the Chambers proved conclu- 
sively that the Ministry was no longer able to stem 
the tide of party passion ; and on M. Jepureanu 
handing in the resignation of the Cabinet on 
August 4, 1876, M. Bratianu was entrusted with 
the formation of the new Liberal Cabinet. 

The reports of the Daily News about the " Bul- 
garian Horrors," confirmed by Mr. Baring's report, 
caused a complete revolution in the Turkophile 


sympathies of Great Britain. Mr. Baring stated 
that fifty-four Bulgarian villages had been burnt 
down, and about 10,000 people massacred ; no less 
than 2500 corpses were counted in Batak alone. 
The English Secretary, however, pointed out that 
the Bulgarians had also committed intolerable 
outrages on the Mohammedan population, and took 
considerable pains to expose .Russian intrigues in 
the Vilayet. 

Yet another change of rulers took place in Con- 
stantinople on August 31, 1876, when Abdul 
Hamid succeeded his brother, who was no longer 
responsible for his actions. The new potentate 
wisely adopted many economies, and endeavoured 
successfully to gain popularity with the army. 

The situation, however, became more and more 
serious, and a suggestion was received from St. 
Petersburg that the Roumanian Government 
should be sounded as to its attitude towards a 
Russo-Turkish war. An evasive answer was sent, 
to the effect that, whilst Roumania hoped for the 
continuance of peace, her sympathies were with 
the Bulgarians and all Christians who suffered 
under the Turkish rule ; the Principalities would 
always value the friendship of Russia. 

M. Cantacuzino, the Roumanian Agent in 
Russia, reported that influential circles in Russia 
were antagonistic to Roumania, because she had not 
taken up a decided attitude towards the present 
struggle. The whole of Russia, with the exception 


of the Czar himself, was intent on war. Prince 
Charles decided at once to send Bratianu and Col. 
Slaniceanu (Minister of War) to Livadia, where 
the Czar, the Czarewitch, Prince Gortchakoff, 
and the Minister of War, Miliutin, had assembled. 
On arrival at Livadia, M. Bratianu was immediately 
pounced upon by Count Ignatieff to explain to him 
the absolute necessity of an agreement regulating 
the passage of the Russian army through Roumania. 

Prince Gortschakow also referred to this 
question, and suggested a non-political military 
convention between the two countries. Bratianu 
replied that no difficulties would ensue if the war 
met with the approval of the guaranteeing Powers, 
but that this consent must be clearly and defi- 
nitely expressed. The Russian Chancellor met 
this opposition with the threat of treating 
Moldavia and Wallachia as integral parts of the 
Ottoman Empire, and therefore liable to invasion 
without further parley. Bratianu, by no means 
disconcerted, represented that Russia could hardly 
commence the liberation of the Turkish Christians 
by defeating a Christian army, and declared that 
the Roumanian forces would oppose the passage of 
the Prut by an invading force. 

On parting, Prince Gortchakoff remarked: "We 
shall soon come to terms if war ensues ; and 
Roumania can only gain by it ! " To this Bratianu 
replied that a complete understanding would 
be in the interests of both States ; and that he 


would willingly enter upon negotiations to that 

The opinions of the Roumanian Ministers were 
divided on this point ; Bratianu considered an 
understanding with Russia to be the best policy, 
D. Sturdza advocated the strictest neutrality, 
whilst Jonesku, the Foreign Minister, urged close 
adherence to Great Britain. 

From PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, October 16th, 187G. 

" I heard to-day of the mobilisation of the 
Roumanian army and its concentration in 
Northern Moldavia ! What is to be understood 
by that ? Is the march of the Russians through 
the country to be opposed ; or will Roumania side 
with Russia ? All this is not clear to me ! The 
pusillanimous policy of England has completely 
entangled the whole Turkish-Christian Question. 
Austria- Hungary is crippled by its dualism, the 
German Empire is shrouded in aristocratic silence, 
and only Russia perseveres with an iron persist- 
ence in her far-reaching aims." 

In reply to an ultimatum presented by General 
Ignatieff, the Sublime Porte conceded an arm- 
istice of two months, commencing on November 
1, to apply to the Servian and Montenegrin 
forces alike. Prince Milan's troops, under the 
command of Tschernaiew, had suffered defeat 
after defeat at the hands of the Turkish troops, 


and were again saved from annihilation only by 
the direct intervention of Russia. 

From the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, November 18th. 

"... I received the following from Prince 
Bismarck : ' The situation of the Prince is serious, 
although I am not convinced that Russia will 
proceed to war, if nobody endeavours to restrain 
her from doing so. 

" ' In the event of war, I do not think Prince 
Charles ought to resist the Russian proposals too 
seriously, nor throw himself into their arms. It 
would be best if he shielded himself behind his 
duty towards the Porte, and then yielded to force, 
which will probably be applied from the North 
long before Turkey assumes the offensive. 

" ' He must not allow himself to be led away 
by ambition, but must adhere to the treaties : his 
resources are not sufficient in the face of two such 
armies to secure him the respect of the victor, if 
he employs his forces. So long as he adheres to 
the treaties, he can always appeal to Europe. 
That will always be a claim, though not perhaps 
an indisputable one ; still it will carry great weight 
should the Russian campaign prove unfortunate 
eventually. I offer my opinion here as if I were a 
Roumanian, and not a German Minister, solely on 
account of my personal interest for his Highness ! '" 

Six Russian Army Corps were mobilised and 



placed under the command of the Grand Duke 
Nicholas, as the Army of the South, on November 
14, 1876. A circular note to the Powers assigned 
as the reason for this step the futility of all 
diplomatic efforts to protect the Christians of 
Turkey from the attacks of the Mohammedans. 
The Czar, though desirous of peace, had therefore 
mobilised a portion of his army, in order to obtain 
guarantees for the execution of the principles 
proposed by Europe. 

M. de Nelidow arrived at Bucharest from 
Constantinople on November 28, to negotiate 
with the Roumanian Government about the 
passage of the Russian army, and the possible 
part which Roumania was to play in the war 
with Turkey. The presence of the Russian agent 
was naturally kept absolutely secret. Curiously 
enough, a Turkish agent, AH Bey, arrived on the 
same day to arrange a combination with Roumania 
against Russia. Prince Charles declined to meet 
either of these messengers, and instructed his 
Ministers to adopt a reserved attitude, and to 
refer both to the Treaty of Paris. 

Dem. Bratianu was sent to Constantinople in 
November to put the Roumanian demands before 
the Conference which had assembled there, and 
to endeavour to arrange a peaceful settlement. 
The Roumanian demands were : the recognition of 
their neutrality ; the regulation of their attitude 
in the event of a war between Turkey and one of 


the Guaranteeing Powers ; and the cession to 
Roumania of a part of the Delta of the Danube. 

The efforts of the Conference to avoid the war 
came to a definite end on January 19, 1877, when 
the Turkish Government declined every proposal 
of the Conference as being opposed to the 
"integrity, independence, and dignity of the 

To PKINCE CHARLES ANTHOXY, January 20th, 1877. 

"The hour of danger is approaching, and Rou- 
mania will shortly be the scene of great political 
and military events, which Europe will follow not 
without agitation. In any case our position will 
be difficult, as we shall be drawn into the com- 
plication whether we wish it or no. Politicians 
here are much more anxious about the result of a 
Russo-Turkish conflict and the future of Roumania 
than I am, as I have marked out my path from 
the beginning : * to conclude a military conven- 
tion with Russia, and, if necessary, to fight with 
Russia against the Turks. It is true that opinion 
here is much divided on this subject, and that 
every effort is being made to separate us from 
Russia. There are Powers that demand that we 
should protest against the entry of the Russians, 
and that we should retire our army to Little 
Wallachia ! You can imagine how I received such 

* All words in italics are written in ciphered French in the 


a suggestion ! Andrassy, with whom I am on 
friendly terms, is acquainted with my views on this 
subject, and is not much edified by them. The 
conflict with the Porte which the Constitution has 
forced upon us was very welcome to me; Midhat 
is endeavouring to allay it by every means ; but 
since we demand more to-day than he has the 
courage to give us, it is still an open question. 
The Turks are concentrating considerable forces in 
Bulgaria, and are arming the Danubian fortresses, 
which are in a miserable condition, with feverish 
haste ; the heavy guns are being brought up from 
the arsenal at Constantinople and mounted in the 
forts, with much expenditure of trouble, labour 
and money. All sorts of rumours are spread 
abroad about the unsatisfactory condition of the 
Russian army, but my information shows that it 
is ready for action, and certainly equal to its 
opponent. ... It is much to be regretted that 
Servia can take no part in the war; it is only with 
the greatest exertion that a corps of 15,000 men 
can be assembled, and they would assuredly show 
no enthusiasm." 

From PRINCE CHAHLES ANTHONY, January 22nd, 1877. 

" On looking back over recent events the con- 
viction is borne in upon me that the fear which 
the Russian Colossus inspires in Europe, coupled 
with the natural differences in the interests of 
the Powers, have been the causes of the pitiful 


end of the Congresses which started with such a 
flourish of trumpets. Had Europe been united and 
less timorous, it might have intervened and begun 
those Conferences at the time of the Servian 
War, instead of a whole year later. Turkey could 
hardly have resisted if a pressure of all the 
Powers had been applied at that time even with- 
out Russia, and she would have conceded more 
than she can now afford to do after her un- 
questionable successes in the Servian War and 
the complete change in her interior economy. 
So much is certain after a long and anxious 
period that the Conferences have resulted in 
a fiasco, and that this fiasco has materially raised 
and strengthened the morale and authority of 
the Porte. . . . Roumania will be most deeply 
affected by such a war, as the Russian base 
of operations can only be Roumania ; there is 
no other at her disposal. Resistance to Russia 
is out of the question ; you must therefore 
endeavour to reap the greatest possible benefits 
from this impossibility. The material advan- 
tages develop spontaneously, for the acquisition 
of money and the increased value of all country 
produce will assume enormous dimensions ; the 
political benefits are, however, more difficult to 
formulate. The permission to march through 
Roumanian territory, and the establishment 
there of all that an army on an active footing 
requires, is already half a declaration of war 


from Roumania to Turkey. The latter, however, 
must recognise that Roumania cannot prevent 
the entry of two or three hundred thousand 
Russians ; the only question that remains is 
whether Roumania will co-operate with the 
advance of the Russian army and cross the 
Danube. I should consider this most unwise, 
for in doing so Roumania will place herself 
between two stools. If the Turks preserve their 
proverbial powers of resistance, and so protract 
the war to an indefinite and costly length, we 
have no guarantee that the Russians would not 
conclude peace with the Turks in one way or 
another and abandon Roumania, who would then 
be overwhelmed by Turkish malevolence. 

"It is more than probable that both sides will 
soon become exhausted in a localised war ; the 
only question is, which of the two will give in 
first. Russia's eyes will always be fixed on her 
own interests, never on those of Roumania ; and, 
since there is no such thing as gratitude in 
politics, I recommend you to exercise the utmost 

" Europe will not interest itself in a defeated 
and fallen Roumania it will only have regard for 
a free country which is not tied down by treaties. 
Prudence and moderation are therefore necessary 
at so critical a period, which will either prove to 
be a wholesome era of transition for your country, 
or will bear the seeds of its annihilation." 


The efforts of the Russian diplomats in Con- 
stantinople now appeared to be confined to de- 
laying the advance of the Russian army until a 
more favourable season of the year should have 
arrived. Prince Charles Anthony thus sketched 
the possible results of the coming war in a letter 
to his son dated March 1, 1877 : 

" Russia will hardly gain great triumphs a few 
military successes may be achieved, but certainly 
none of any political importance. The army and 
the Slav element must content themselves with a 
small modicum of glory, whilst the Czar Alex- 
ander may think himself lucky in returning to 
peaceful and normal circumstances, and in having 
mastered a movement which is of the greatest 
danger to Russia. The only tangible result of 
the whole Russian initiative will, perhaps, be that 
the suzerainty of the Porte over Roumania is 
transferred to Russia. 

" Roumania would thereby be supported by a 
stronger and more stable Power, with, perhaps, 
more freedom at home and abroad, but would 
certainly not achieve her longed-for recognition as 
an independent and equal State. 

" The forms of the suzerainty would perhaps be 
more equable and more pleasant, but the depend- 
ence, though tolerable, would always be felt. 

" This would merely be an exchange of roles. 
Europe would then admire Russia's moderation, 


and would doubtless concede every demand made 
along the lines I have suggested. The sacrifice of 
Roumania would thus be a message of peace, on 
which would hinge the return to the universal 

A final attempt to settle the Eastern Question 
by means of the London Protocol met with as 
little success as the efforts of the Conference ; and 
the Russo-Roumanian Convention was signed on 
April 16, 1877, by Baron Stuart on behalf of the 
Czar, and M. Cogalniceanu on behalf of Prince 
Charles. The following were the chief articles of 
the Convention : 

(1) The Russian army to be granted a free 
passage through Roumania, the Russian Govern- 
ment paying all expenses connected therewith. 

(2) The Government of the Czar pledges itself 
to maintain and protect the actual integrity and 
political rights of Roumania. 

(3) The special regulations as to the march of 
the Russian troops to form the subject of a special 

(4) The Roumanian Government to obtain the 
ratification required by the Constitution, arid to 
proceed at once to the execution of the stipula- 
tions of the treaty. 

The Turkish reinforcements of the forces at 
Rustchuk and Schumla caused the greatest 
excitement in Bucharest, indeed in the whole of 


Roumania. Public opinion, influenced perhaps by 
the recent failure of the Servian army in the field, 
declined to place any confidence in the military 
efficiency of the Roumanian troops. The incessant 
and exaggerated rumours of Turkish raids and 
passages of the Danube created something like a 
panic in the capital, and several over-anxious 
inhabitants quitted the country rather than run 
the risk of experiencing the horrors of a Turkish 
invasion. Prince Charles, however, had every 
trust and confidence in the ability of his army to 
prevent the Turks from crossing the Danube. 



BY no means the least of the Prince's tasks was 
the reorganisation and training of the Roumanian 
army, which at the time of his accession was in 
the most deplorable condition. Moulded on the 
pattern of the French army of 1859, and trained by 
a French mission militaire, it reproduced many of 
the defects of the army, which failed so utterly in 
1870, and yet missed those qualities which saved 
the Imperial army of France from dishonour in 
the field. The young Prince was fully aware of the 
potent influence for good that a well-disciplined 
army exerts upon the welfare of a nation, and 
determined from the first to employ the highest 
moral and material resources of his country to 
establish an army which, if not formidable in num- 
bers, should at least be worthy of respect in point 
of quality. His nine years' service in the Prussian 
artillery and cavalry had given him a thorough 
knowledge of the minutiae of military routine and 
discipline, whilst his active service on the staft' 


of the Crown Prince in 1864, and his familiar 
intercourse with the leaders of the Prussian army 
had helped to train him in the art of command. 
Prince Charles realised that a weak State like 
Roumania, surrounded by its powerful neighbours, 
Russia, Austria, and Turkey, must place its army, 
on a thoroughly satisfactory footing, unless it were 
content to play the unsatisfactory part of being 
forced to side, possibly against its will, with what- 
ever State was first to mobilise its forces, whilst 
its very weakness might be the cause of a war. 
The safety and welfare of Roumania, he was 
firmly convinced, rested on a sound military con- 
stitution, by means of which its independence 
would some day be achieved on the field of battle. 
No pains, therefore, and no exertions were too 
great to devote to the training of his troops, who 
soon learnt to look up to him as their example in 
all that a soldier should be. His absolute impar- 
tiality and justice, his care for their well-being, 
and his knowledge of every detail of warfare, 
made him as popular with his ofiicers as with his 

From the outset Prince Charles endeavoured 
to mould the spirit of his officers on that to which 
he had been accustomed in Prussia. Shortly 
after his accession, he received a round robin 
from the officers of the army, desiring that those 
officers who had taken part in the Revolution of 
February 23, 1866, should be dismissed from the 


army. Prince Charles received the deputation in 
the Palace and addressed them as follows : 

" I have accepted your address, first, because 
I respect the feeling which has dictated this step ; 
and secondly, that I might have an occasion of 
informing you of my views upon military honour 
and the duties of a soldier. 

" An address is apt to assume the appearance 
of moral pressure, such as no soldier can be per- 
mitted to exercise over the supreme head of the 

" The soldier's oath demands absolute obedience. 
Neither the acts of the head of the army, nor the 
motives which lead to them, admit of criticism ; 
politics must have no influence on the soldier, 
whose sole duty it is to defend with his last breath 
his Sovereign and his country against every enemy. 

" I am fully convinced that you share my views, 
and recognise that your action is from every mili- 
tary standpoint inadmissible. It is on that 
account that I desire you to trust to my military 
judgment, and to leave to me to act in all that 
concerns the army according to my own conviction 
and sense of duty. 

" At the same time, I repeat, I appreciate the 
honourable feeling on which this address is based ; 
but I also again urge that I demand at all times 
devotion and unreserved obedience from each one 
of you. 


" I have been and am still a soldier by inclina- 
tion; and it is for that reason, as well as on 
account of the importance to the country of a 
well-disciplined army, that one of my most 
cherished aims will be to secure for it the position 
to which it has every right to aspire. I shall 
endeavour to become well acquainted with the 
army and its leaders, that I may be able to decide 
according to merit and justice, by utterly rejecting 
all party or personal interest. 

"Reckon confidently on this promise, and re- 
member that I have come to create a future, and 
not to rely upon the precedents of a past which I 
ignore, and of which I would even prefer to 
remain ignorant." 

The spirit of insubordination was even more 
rife amongst the National Guard, as the following 
incident will show. Prince Charles ordered the 
National Guard of Bucharest to assemble at the 
parade-ground of Cotroceni on July 2, 1866. The 
President of the Ministry reported to the Prince 
the day before that the National Guard would 
refuse to muster as ordered, as a rumour had 
gained currency that they were to be disarmed on 
account of their party tendencies. They intended, 
therefore, to parade before the Chamber, and in- 
voke the protection of the Deputies against such 
a step. The Prince, however, refused to change 
his order, and insisted upon its execution. On 


arriving at Cotroceni the following day, he found 
that only a couple of hundred men had assembled 
there. An aide-de-camp was at once despatched 
to Bucharest to enforce the order, whilst Prince 
Charles set himself at the head of those present 
and marched with bands playing into the capital. 
Companies then appeared from all sides, until 
some three thousand men were collected on the 
Theatre Square. The Guard then marched past 
and cheered their Sovereign again and again, 
though their behaviour had given him every 
reason to consider them an element of danger 
rather than of safety to the State. 

The projected army reforms were hampered at 
every turn by the want of money ; on one occasion 
the Prince was even obliged to advance money 
out of his private purse for the purchase of two 
batteries of rifled guns from Krupp's factory. 

The strength of the army, which the Sublime 
Porte had limited to 30,000 men, was to be organ- 
ised into a standing force of 20,000 with a reserve 
of 10,000 men; whilst a Militia of 30,000 and 
a Landsturm of 50,000 were to be instituted. 
Every Roumanian who was fit for service was 
liable to serve from the ages of twenty to forty in 
one or the other category. Though the total 
number of men available thus amounted to over 
100,000, the great bulk remained untrained, 
and of very little value for service in the field. 
The frequent reviews and inspections which Prince 


Charles initiated proved that the troops lacked 
cohesion, and their officers the ability to lead 
their men in accordance with the principles of 
modern warfare. 

The first attempt at practical and systematic 
manoeuvres for the Roumanian troops took place 
near Cotroceni on October 14 and 15, 1867, when 
the garrison of Bucharest, consisting of five 
battalions, three batteries of four guns each, and 
one regiment of cavalry, practised the three phases 
of an engagement. The operations were directed 
by the Prince in person, who also bivouacked with 
his troops after a inarch of about twenty -two miles. 
The march back to Bucharest the following day 
gave an opportunity for skirmishing and manoeu- 
vring. Before entering the town Prince Charles 
assembled the superior officers, and pointed out 
the great want of training displayed, and how 
much remained to be done before the army could 
be fit to take the field ; he did not, however, forget 
to mention that the officers had hitherto had but 
little opportunity to practise themselves in leading 
their men, and none at all in handling a force of 
the three arms at manoeuvres. 

On the occasion of these first manoeuvres a 
number of officers received special promotion, but 
considerable excitement was caused by this step, 
as two of them were not on the best of terms with 
the Ministry. The Minister of War also com- 
plained that his opinion was not asked before the 


promotions took place. Prince Charles, however, 
exercised the right of promotion intentionally in 
order to make good several cases of injustice which 
had arisen from party feeling. The effect of this 
independent action on the army was excellent, as 
it was clearly seen that from henceforth the army 
would not be affected by the influence of the 
political party of the day. 

The rifle selected by Prince Charles for the re- 
armament of his infantry was the celebrated needle- 
gun of Prussia, 5000 of which were to be delivered 
in March 1868, to be followed by another 15,000 
during the course of the year. The ready aid 
offered by King William to Prince Charles was 
promptly recognised by the Roumanians : " The 
Prussians have sent us their best, whilst the French 
send us what they have cast off." 

Even in the matter of uniform the Prince in- 
sisted rather on utility than show. The heavy 
gold lace of the officers was abolished : the 


infantry received blue tunics (the artillery brown 
tunics), grey trousers, and greatcoats ; the cavalry 
were clothed as Hussars instead of as Lancers. 

The degrading corporal punishment of the 
bastinado was abolished by a letter from Prince 
Charles to the Minister of War, dated May 21, 
1868, and published in the official Moniteur. 
Prince Charles retorted to the increasing interfer- 
ence of the foreign Powers in Roumanian affairs 
with a redoubled zeal for the improvement of his 


army, and hoped to raise the feeling of military 
honour among his troops by abolishing so bar- 
barous a punishment. 

Another organisation for the army was passed 
by the Chamber on June 13, 1868, according to 
which the following five classes were to be created 
for the defence of the country : 

(1) The Standing Army and its Reserve. 

(2) The Active Militia (Dorobanz and Frontier 

(3) The Sedentary Militia. 

(4) The Citizen Guard, and 

(5) The Landsturm. 

Service in the first category was to consist of 
three years with the colours and four in the 
reserve ; only a third of the second category was 
to serve with the colours whilst the remainder 
were allowed furloughs ; the third class only were 
called upon during a war ; the fourth was of no 
military importance, as it was formed from the 
census classes, and permitted to elect its own 
officers ; while the fifth comprised the whole male 
population from the age of seventeen to fifty not 
included in the former categories. This important 
increase in the armed strength of the nation was 
achieved at the trifling cost of 192,000, the total 
vote for the army amounting to 320,000. 

The 8th Infantry Regiment was raised on 
August 18, 1868, when the existing Line Regi- 
ments received their 3rd battalions, and no less 


than thirty- three Militia battalions were also to be 
organised. One hundred and fifty non-commis- 
sioned officers were promoted to fill the vacancies 
caused by this increase to the army. 

A tradition had arisen in Roumania that the 
Minister of War was ex-officio Commander-in- 
Chief of the army, and this led to the political 
fluctuations and struggles being transplanted to 
the army itself. Prince Charles, therefore, ap- 
pointed a civilian, Bratianu, Minister of War, to 
show that the Command in Chief was vested in 
the person of the Sovereign, thereby enabling the 
army to devote itself to its work of preparation 
for war without becoming involved in the politics 
of the day. 

Lieut. -Colonel von Krenski, of the Prussian 
army, arrived on October 8, 1868, to assist the 
Prince in his work of reorganisation ; this step 
caused the greatest excitement in French official 
circles, where the absurd rumour gained ground 
that 6000 Prussian soldiers had found their way 
into Roumania in disguise ! The French mission 
militaire, under Colonel Lamy, was thereupon 
withdrawn, and a formal crusade against Colonel 
Krenski, the " representative of this foreign 
policy," was set in motion. On his return to 
Berlin the gallant Colonel was greeted with the 
pointed remark from his General that his mission 
to Bucharest had caused more correspondence than 
all the North German forces put together I 


Prince Charles determined to establish a stand- 
ing camp of instruction for his troops, and finally 
settled on Furceni, in Moldavia, on the left bank 
of the Seret, where plenty of wood for huts was 
available. The regiments moved into camp in 
succession, commencing in April 1869. In a 
letter to his father the Prince alludes to his camp 
life as follows : " I am fairly well satisfied with 
my stay in camp. The troops are capitally housed 
in the barracks they have built themselves. The 
situation is fairly healthy, as proved by the 
number of sick 200 out of 12,000 men ; whilst at 
Bucharest the proportion is 230 to 3000. Those 
troops whose barracks are not completed remain 
under canvas. On my arrival I found seven Line 
Regiments, four Rifle and two Engineer bat- 
talions, the 2nd Artillery Regiment, one squadron 
of gendarmes, and two of Dorobanz Cavalry, in 
addition to the Train, Sanitary, and Supply 
Departments. I inspected a regiment every day, 
and lunched with the officers of the various corps. 
. . . Both officers and men like the camp, and the 
prevailing spirit is excellent. I promise myself 
favourable results from camp life, especially with 
regard to discipline and esprit de corps." . . . On 
his return from Livadia the Prince attended the 
manoeuvres before closing the camp, and noticed 
a very marked progress, especially on the occasion 
of the passage of the river Seret being forced. 

The following year, 1870, Prince Charles de- 


manded an even higher standard of efficiency at 
his inspections, as the troops had had ample time 
to become acquainted with their new drill and 
regulations. Though the spirit of the regulars 
and militia left little to be desired, the National 
Guard repeatedly proved their worthlessness and 
want of reliability, especially during the excite- 
ment of elections at Plojeschti, where the local 
National Guard had to be disbanded. 

Some slight changes in organisation took place 
in April 1871, when the term of service with the 
colours was increased to four years. The Doro- 
banz and Frontier units were now formed into a 
Territorial Army, the infantry of which was now 
termed " Dorobanzi," and the cavalry " Calar- 
aschi," the cavalry of the Line being named 
"Roschiori," The Fire Brigades, hitherto organ- 
ised in companies and battalions, now formed part 
of the Territorial Army, and were trained as 

Prince Charles made the acquaintance of Colonel 
Charles Gordon, who was then a member of the 
European Commission, on April 20, 1872. The 
conversation turned chiefly on military matters, 
particularly the great strategical value of Galatz, 
which Gordon declared could easily be made into 
a strong fortress, as its position between the 
Danube, the Prut, and the Seret would only 
render necessary works against the approaches 
from the north. Colonel Gordon created a most 


favourable impression upon the Prince, who showed 
the greatest interest in his many war services in 
the Crimea and in China. 

A Roumanian military decoration for long and 
loyal service for officers was founded in June 1872, 
in silver for eighteen, and in gold for twenty-five 
years' service. The oval medal was to be worn 
with a blue ribbon, bordered with yellow. A 
similar medal in silver, to which a pension of 
300 francs was added, was struck for the benefit 
of non-commissioned officers who had served as 
such with credit for twelve years. 

Late in September 1872, 11,000 men were 
assembled in a bivouac at Baneassa, north of 
Bucharest, to take part in manoeuvres near Tir- 
goveschte. A series of engagements was practised 
over a deeply intersected and wooded country, 
and gave the artillery in particular an opportunity 
of distinguishing itself. At the close of the 
exercises Prince Charles presented the first 
medals for good conduct to a number of deserving 
non-commissioned officers. 

In reply to the Prince's inquiry as to the best 
method of spending the 8,000,000 francs voted by 
the Chamber for either barracks or fortifications, 
Count von Moltke replied, in the spring of 1874, 
that he could not understand the Roumanian 
desire for a large standing army, as a peace 
strength of 10,000 men, to be increased to 25,000 
men in war, would be ample, as their only task 


was to maintain order at home. Roumania was in 
the happy situation of not requiring an army at 
all, and could employ the vast sums which military 
establishments required elsewhere in furthering the 
progress of the country. " How happy should we 
be, if we were not forced to keep up so large an 
army, and could employ the hundreds of millions 
for other purposes ! " He declared, on the other 
hand, that a Landwehr system would be of excellent 
service in educating and disciplining the nation. 

A longer report from the General Staff advo- 
cated the contrary view : "In the event of a war 
with Turkey it would appear most suitable for the 
Roumanian army to concentrate at Bucharest or 
near the Danube, to oppose invasion at that point, 
and to stop or delay the hostile advance. 

" Turkey will make use of the Varna-Rustchuk 
railway to effect the concentration of her forces, 
and will attempt to cross the Danube near 
Rustchuk, making Bucharest her first objective. 
... If the Roumanian army is assembled at the 
commencement of the war in a fortified camp near 
the Carpathians instead of near the Danube, it 
might easily happen that the enemy would 
seize the opportunity of raiding the exposed 
capital. . . . 

"It would be better to avoid delusion and the 
expenditure of large sums on projects from which 
the country can expect neither safety nor utility. 
The army is the support of the State, and in 


Roumania, where so many possibilities have to be 
considered, the training and care of the army is 
of paramount importance." 

The manoeuvres of 1874 were attended by 
Russian, Austrian, Prussian, Servian, Dutch, and 
English officers. The First Division was to force 
the passage of the Buseu River and occupy the 
town of Buseu, which the Second Division was to 
defend. The leading of the troops on the first day, 
however, was not very satisfactory, and Prince 
Charles was forced to speak very plainly at the 
critique. But the operations of the following days 
gave great satisfaction, and Colonel Asis Bey re- 
marked to Colonel Morris : " This is serious. I 
had not expected so much ! " At the conclusion 
of the manoeuvres Prince Charles presented thirty- 
two colours and standards to various regiments, and 
afterwards reviewed the troops. Colonel Morris, 
in replying to a toast given at a gala-dinner the 
same evening, remarked : " All that I have seen 
of this young army has filled me with astonish- 
ment, and I shall report to my Government how 
Roumania has progressed." Prince Charles wrote 
his father the following account of the incident : 
" I thanked him for his praises, and said that, 
coming from the mouth of an Englishman, they 
possessed especial value, as his countrymen were 
in absolute ignorance of the state of our affairs. 
. . . The Turk remarked to the Englishman that it 
would be best to give Roumania her independence, 


and to conclude a treaty of alliance with it. Most 
significant 1 " 

The threatening situation in Eastern Europe in 
October 1876 led to a partial concentration of 
the Eoumanian army in anticipation of the 
mobilisation order, which it was felt could not be 
long delayed. Four Divisions were made up to 
their war strength to take part in manoeuvres, 
and at .the same time to be ready to meet any 
eventuality. A report from the Minister of War 
showed that only 25,000 Peabody rifles with 
insufficient ammunition were available. Prince 
Charles wisely insisted that the First and Second 
Division should be armed with this rifle, and the 
Third and Fourth should receive the now practi- 
cally obsolete needle-gun. The greatest activity 
prevailed in the War Office, and eight new Doro- 
banz Regiments of two battalions each were raised 
at once. 

The unceasing care with which Prince Charles 
had watched the training of his army in peace was 
to bear its fruit in the great war which now ensued. 
The Roumanian troops proved that, though they 
lacked the glorious traditions of the older armies, 
they were fully their equals in discipline, courage, 
and endurance ; and they more than justified the 
confidence which their Prince placed in them. 



THE long-expected declaration of war between 
Russia and Turkey took place on April 23, 1877, 
accompanied by a proclamation to the Roumanian 
nation from the Grand Duke Nicholas, announcing 
his intention of entering their territory in the hope 
of finding the same welcome as in the former wars. 
A special sitting of the Chamber assembled on the 
26th of the same month to confirm the Convention 
with Russia ; and a council of war held the same 
evening decided to occupy the line of the Sabar, 
to reinforce the troops on the Danube, and to 
garrison Calafat, as the precipitate advance of the 
Russians, coupled with the assent of the Chamber 
to the Convention, rendered Roumania liable to a 
Turkish invasion. The question now to be solved 
was whether the Roumanian army under Prince 
Charles was to take an active share in the cam- 
paign, and, if so, on what terms. It was, how- 
ever, eventually decided to remain passive for the 
present, though the Grand Duke seemed anxious 


to draw Prince Charles into co-operation with the 
Russian army. The mobilised Roumanian troops 
were organised as follows, under the supreme 
command of Prince Charles, with Colonel Slani- 
ceanu as Chief of his Staff : 

FIRST ARMY CORPS : General Lupu. 

First Division, Colonel Cerchez : 2 brigades, 1 cavalry 

brigade, 3 batteries. 
Second Division, Colonel Logadi : 2 brigades, 1 cavalry 

brigade, 3 batteries. 
Corps Artillery 6 batteries. 

SECOND ARMY CORPS : General Radovici. 

Third Division, Colonel Angelesbu : 2 brigades, 1 cavalry 

brigade, 3 batteries. 
Fourth Division, General Manu : 2 brigades, 1 cavalry 

brigade, 3 batteries. 
Corps Artillery 6 batteries. 

The total strength of the army amounted to 
50,000 men with 180 guns, with a reserve of 
about 70,000 men of the National Guard and 

An important resolution, adopted by the 
Chamber on May 11, 1877, declared that a state 
of war existed with Turkey, and expressed con- 
fidence in the justice of the Powers, authorising 
the Government to use every endeavour to obtain 
the recognition of Roumanian independence at the 
close of the war. The desire of the Russian 
Commander-in- Chief for the assistance of the 


Roumanian army found frequent expression even 
in these days. At an interview at Plojeschti 
the Grand Duke demanded active support from 
Prince Charles, as he felt convinced that his own 
force was not sufficient to cope with its task, and 
added that at the first council of war he had asked 
for reinforcements amounting to another three 
or four Army Corps. The least he expected was 
that Prince Charles would hold the left bank of 
the Danube until the Russians had finished their 
strategical deployment. 

Prince Charles replied that he intended to keep 
his troops under his own command, but that the 
Russians would be benefited by having their 
right flank secured. The Roumanian garrisons 
of Oltenitza and Giurgiu would not retire until 
relieved by Russian troops. At the same time he 
declared himself anxious to take an active part in 
the war, but only on condition that his proposals 
were agreed to. 

The Grand Duke returned the Prince's visit on 
the following day, May 15, accompanied by his 
son and a numerous suite, which included M. 
de Nelidow, who had conducted the negotiations 
with Roumania, and was now in charge of the 
diplomatic correspondence at headquarters. 

In reply to an inquiry in the Chamber on 
May 21, Cogalniceanu declared that Roumania was 
practically independent, as Europe would not 
force her to return to her former bondage. It 


was then decided by a large majority to create an 
order, " The Star of Roumania," as the first act of 
Roumanian independence. This order consists of 
five classes viz., Knight, Officer, Commander, 
Grand Officer, and Grand Cross, whose members 
wear a star of eight rays depending from a crown 
and surcharged with a cross in blue enamel, which 
displays the eagle of Wallachia. The ribbon is 
red, bordered with blue, and the motto runs : In 
fide solus. 

Prince Charles Anthony entirely agreed with 
his son's attitude towards Russia, and stigmatised 
the mooted co-operation, with its inevitable 
subordination and incorporation in the Russian 
army, as a " political felo de se." 

" The possibility of a Russian defeat," he wrote, 
" no matter how improbable, must also be con- 
sidered : an untouched reserve on this side of the 
Danube, which could only consist of the Rou- 
manian army intact, would in that case possess an 
immense importance ! " 

Prince Charles, accompanied by his Staft', set 
out on the 27th to inspect his troops at Crajowa 
and Calafat, and found them in excellent order and 
discipline. At 7 r.M. the Prince ordered the 
bombardment of Widin to commence, and a lively 
cannonade ensued, during which three Turkish 
shells exploded in the immediate neighbourhood of 
the Prince. The sangfroid of their ruler did 
not fail to arouse a feeling of appreciation in the 


Roumanian nation, who on his return greeted him 
everywhere with indescribable enthusiasm. 

The Czar in the meantime declared that, if the 
Roumanian Government wished to take part in 
the campaign, it must do so at its own expense 
and risk, and must, moreover, place the army 
under the command of the Grand Duke. "Russia 
has no need of the support of the Roumanian 
army. The force which has been put into the 
field against Turkey is more than sufficient to 
achieve the high object which the Czar had in 
view in commencing the present war." 

Prince Charles attended a council of war at the 
Russian headquarters in Plojeschti on June 1, 1877, 
and, whilst discussing the advance into Bulgaria, 
casually pointed out the strategic importance of 
the junction of the roads at Plevna. The Grand 
Duke urged the Prince to cross the Danube near 
Widin as soon as possible, but Prince Charles was 
unable to comply with this request until the 
material necessary for bridges had been collected. 

The Czar arrived at Plojeschti a few days later 
with a suite of over 700 persons, amongst them 
Prince Alexander of Battenberg, then a subaltern 
in the Hessian Dragoons. In a private interview 
with Prince Charles the Czar expressed his inten- 
tion of lending Roumania, which already owed so 
much to Russia, a helping hand, but declined to 
enter into the vexed question of Roumanian co- 
operation in the war. A curious incident occurred 


during the Czar's return visit to Bucharest, when 
a large bouquet, thrown from a house, fell close 
by his carriage. The Czar started back, fearing 
a bomb, and only the ready tact of Princess 
Elisabeth covered his confusion. 

An important conversation took place between 
Prince Charles and Gortchakoff, who definitely 
expressed the opinion that, though the Delta of 
the Danube was essential for the development of 
Roumania, Russia wants one of its arms, the Kilia. 
The Prince declared that his first object was to 
preserve the integrity of his country, and that 
any extension of the frontier after the war would 
be only a secondary consideration. Gortchakoff 
appeared to be firmly of opinion that the war 
would be short and glorious. He could not, there- 
fore, agree with the openly expressed wish of the 
Headquarters Staff for the co-operation of the 
Roumanian army.* The reports of the first 
engagements did not, however, fully bear out 
this belief ; for, though successful at other points, 
the Russians were beaten in Asia at Bajaset, and 
were forced to withdraw from that town, whilst 
Mukhtar Pacha compelled General Tergukassoff 
to retire to Igdir. 

" From PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, June llth, 1877. 
" At last the situation has somewhat cleared, 

* The Grand Duke, on hearing of this conversation, declared 
that diplomatists were much too eager to interfere in affairs 
which did not concern them. 


and the presence of the Czar under existing 
conditions may possibly be an important starting- 
point for future developments. The declara- 
tion of independence is perfectly justified; it 
is a fait accompli, which must, in any case, 
be reckoned with hereafter. At the time this 
declaration took place, four weeks ago, I feared 
a considerable increase of the complications already 
existing, and could hardly become reconciled to it. 
However, I always remembered that your course 
of action must be based on motives of which we 
must be ignorant. Your wisdom in seizing the 
right moment is again confirmed. The foreign 
Press, although extremely surprised, has become 
more or less reconciled to the altered situation, 
and even the English papers have bridled them- 
selves with decency. . . . 

" In my opinion the material military successes 
of the Russians will be in Asia ; the moral suc- 
cesses in Europe ; and the conception of a moral 
victory is so elastic that 1 see no reason why the 
war should be prolonged beyond reasonable limits. 

" The creation of a united State Roumania- 
Bulgaria of course with the freedom of the 
Danube to the sea, would be a magnificent crea- 
tive idea, only the deep-seated difference of the 
nationalities gives rise to weighty considerations." 

On June 28, 1877, the Grand Duke arrived at 
Simnitza, where the Fourteenth Division had 


collected a number of boats preparatory to effect- 
ing a crossing, aided by a vigorous cannonade the 
day before along the whole line of the Danube. 
The Volhynian Regiment embarked at 2 A.M. 
in absolute silence, and had barely landed when 
an alarm shot was fired. A short engagement 
terminated in the retreat of the Turkish force, 
and, in spite of hostile fire from the artillery, 
General Dragomirow succeeded in assembling 
the whole of his Division on the farther bank of 
the river, with the loss of about 30 officers and 
700 men. The construction of a bridge was 
commenced from both banks simultaneously, 
though several sections were destroyed by a 
sudden storm. The bridge at Braila remained 
intact, and was crossed by Prince Charles on foot 
the following day. 

Notwithstanding the fact that Roumania had 
so far taken but a small share in the campaign, 
Prince Charles was able to supply the Russian 
headquarters with trustworthy information about 
the enemy's movements, especially with regard 
to the garrison of Widin, under Osman Pacha, 
who was now reported to be on the march to 
Rahova with fifteen battalions and two batteries. 
Though an advanced party of Cossacks seized 
Plevna on July 8, they were unable to retain 
possession of that town, a couple of Turkish 
battalions from Nikopoli forcing them to retire on 
the following day. 


Prince Charles now quitted Schimnik to rejoin 
his headquarters at Pojana, near Calafat, where 
he was better able to superintend the movements 
of his army. In a letter to the Princess he 
alludes to the Russian estimate of his army as 
follows : " The Russians do not want to recognise 
the services we have rendered them ; Grand Duke 
Nicholas has sent a long report to the Czar, 
dealing with the course of events from the 
beginning of the war to the crossing of the 
Danube, and does not give a single word to the 
Roumanian army. ' The only thing,' he says 
about the country, ' is that the Roumanian rail- 
ways are indifferent.' That may be so ; but 
without our indifferent railways, and without the 
Roumanian troops, the Russians would not be in 
Bulgaria by now." 

On July 13 General Gourko succeeded in 
crossing the Hainkioi Pass, after encountering 
very great difficulties on the narrow mountain 
paths. The guns barely managed to keep up 
with 'the columns. On the other hand, serious 
news was received from Plevna on July 20, for, 
though the Russians succeeded in occupying 
Lowtscha, General von Schilder-Schuldner was 
forced to beat a speedy retreat halfway to 
Nikopoli, screened by his cavalry, leaving the 
Turks in possession of Plevna. The Russian 
headquarters now requested that the Roumanian 
army might occupy Nikopoli and take .charge of 


the prisoners of war, but Prince Charles declined 
to accede to this without some definite agreement 
about the employment of his troops. The 
attitude of the Russian diplomats now appeared 
to suffer considerable change, so far as the 
employment of the Roumanian army was con- 
cerned. Prince Gortchakoff permitted himself 
to remark to the Princess, with marked sarcasm : 
" Toujours pas de blesses Roumains ! " to which 
she readily replied : " Non, Dieu merci, nous 
riavons que ires peujusqu'ti present ! " 

The Prince wrote as follows to his consort : 

"Yesterday, General Sefcari, commissioned by 
the Grand Duke Nicholas, arrived here to inform 
me that the defeat of the Russians at Plevna was 
caused by us : ' Dites au Prince que les Roumains 
sont cause que nous avons ete battus a Plevna ! ' 
The Russian headquarters maintain that a portion 
of General Kriidener's troops were retained at 
Nikopoli because we had refused to occupy that 
fortress and guard and transport the Turkish 
prisoners. This is true ; I always mean to refuse 
such police duties ; my army is too good for that. 
On the other hand, I have declared my willing- 
ness to occupy Nikopoli and advance with the 
Russians against the 35,000 to 45,000 Turks at 
Plevna. This offer does not find favour with the 
Russians, as they do not wish to share a victory 
with us. . ." 


Roumanian troops, however, proceeded at once 
to garrison Nikopoli, where the Roumanian flag 
was hoisted on July 29, and a message was sent 
to the Grand Duke demanding a separate base 
of operations in Bulgaria, and the undivided 
command of the Roumanian army as the only 
condition which Prince Charles could accept. 

A report was received at 4 P.M. on the 31st 
that the Russians had suffered a severe defeat 
at Plevna, and were retiring panic-stricken on 
Sistow ; this was confirmed at 9 P.M. by the 
following despatch in cipher : 

"WEDNESDAY, July 19-31, 1877, 3.35 P.M. 

" Headquarters of the Roumanian Army. 

"The Turks having assembled in great force 
at Plevna are crushing us. Beg you to join, 
make a demonstration, and, if possible, cross 
the Danube, as you wish. This demonstration 
between Jiul and Corabia is indispensable to 
facilitate my movements. 


Prince Charles replied that the Fourth Division 
would hold Nikopoli, and that the Third would 
occupy the position quitted by the Fourth ; the 
want of torpedoes would prevent the passage of 
the river, as a Turkish monitor was stationed near 
Rahova. The headquarters of the Prince were now 


transferred to Corabia, where the bridge was to 
be constructed, and a fresh ordre de bataille drawn 
up in accordance with the altered conditions : 

The First Corps, consisting of three infantry 
brigades, one cavalry brigade, and six batteries 
was to form a general reserve. 

The Second Corps suffered no alteration. 

The Corps of Observation, under General Lupu, 
consisting of two Divisions with six batteries and 
two cavalry regiments, remained at Calafat. 

The Russian advance, in the meantime, had 
come to a complete standstill, whilst some forty 
battalions and 200 guns under General Sotow 
awaited the arrival of six farther Divisions before 
attempting to drive Osman Pacha away from his 
entrenched position at Plevna. A prolonged 
series of despatches now passed between the 
Russian and Roumanian Headquarters with refer- 
ence to the bridge over the Danube. If the latter 
was constructed at Nikopoli, the army would 
probably be merged in that of the Grand Duke, 
whilst at Magura it would secure independent 
action, at the same time cutting off Osman's com- 
munications with Sofia and the East. 

The impatience of the Grand Duke at the 
repeated delays led to the following despatch 
from Colonel Gherghel, attached to his Staff, on 
August 16 : 

"By order of H.I. H. the Grand Duke Nicholas 


I have the honour to communicate to your High- 
ness that H.I.H. desires the Third Eoumanian 
Division to cross the Danube at once at Nikopoli 
to unite with the Fourth. H.I.H. will visit the 
two Divisions as soon as they are concentrated." 

Prince Charles refused to allow the Third Divi- 
sion to cross, as he had no intention of allowing 
his army to be incorporated with the Russian. 
This burning question of the command was, how- 
ever, satisfactorily settled by the 25th, when the 
passage commenced at Corabia opposite Magura. 
Prince Charles crossed the Danube on the 20th, 
and arrived at the Imperial Headquarters at 
Gornija Studena at half-past seven in the evening, 
where he was heartily welcomed by the Czar and 
the Grand Duke Nicholas. The latter at once 
inquired whether he intended to command his 
Corps in person, and received a reply in the affir- 
mative. The Grand Duke then objected that 
this decision would give rise to difficulties, as 
Prince Charles could not be placed under the 
command of a Russian General. The Prince 
retorted that that was certainly out of the ques- 
tion, but ten Russian Generals might easily be 
placed under his command. 

Whilst Prince Charles was resting from the 
fatigues of his journey, the Grand Duke entered 
his tent, and on behalf of the Czar offered him 
the command of the Russian troops before Plevna, 


which the Prince, after some hesitation, accepted. 
A council of war was held the following day at 
ten o'clock under the shade of a large tree to 
discuss the future plans of operation, when it was 
decided that, after the passage of the Roumanian 
army, the bridge at Corabia should be broken up 
and transferred to Nikopoli, where it would be of 
further use to the Russian army. Prince Charles 
maintained that Osman was stronger than the 
Russians supposed, and that for the present it was 
useless to resume the offensive. 

As Prince Charles returned to Sistow, a terrible 
picture of the horrors of war presented itself to 
his eyes. Long columns of "ladder" wagons, 
laden with wounded soldiers from the desperate 
struggles for the Shipka Pass, encountered the 
supply columns bringing up food and ammunition. 
The most terrible confusion arose, as neither 
column could pass the other. The groans and 
shrieks of the wounded under a burning sun 
increased every minute, and it was only with the 
greatest difficulty that the Prince's escort could 
force its way through the disorganised mass. 

From Corabia Prince Charles bade farewell to 
his wife in a letter dated September 1st, 1877, 
which frankly recognised the importance of the 
task which lay before him : 

"The command before Plevna is no easy 
matter : it will cost many a bloody battle before 


the Turks are conquered ; nay, it may be ques- 
tioned whether we shall succeed in this struggle ! 
But I could not refuse the Emperor's offer, 
although I should have preferred my army to 
fight in its own sphere of operations. Now my 
troops will form the right wing, the Russian 
Ninth Corps the centre, and the Fourth the left 
wing. The Roumanian troops will cross our 
bridge over the Danube to-day. I shall review 
them first and then set out for Turnu-Magurele 
to proceed via Nikopoli to my headquarters at 
Poradim (27 miles from Nikopoli)." 

Prince Charles found his new headquarters at 
Poradim a long straggling Bulgarian village about 
four and a half miles from the Turkish line of en- 
trenchments round Plevna. Only one house at 
the entrance to the village seemed fit to live in, but 
at the best it was but a poor apology for a house. 
Half ruined, without doors or windows, it offered 
every opportunity for a study of the discomforts 
of campaigning. Here, as elsewhere, the noisome 
odour of corruption, caused by the hundreds of 
unburied carcases of horses and other animals, 
made the air terrible to breathe. 

The following morning the Prince found the 
troops of the Russian Fourth Corps greatly reduced 
in strength, as their effective strength present for 
duty only amounted to from 12,000 to 14,000 men 
for twenty-one battalions. On inspecting the out- 


posts on the heights of Grivitza, Raditschewo, 
and Tutschenitza, the Prince realised to the full 
the strategical importance of Plevna, and also 
the immense difficulties in attacking the Turkish 
entrenchments. Osman Pacha's communications 
with Suleiman Pacha were seriously affected by 
the capture of Lowtcha by Prince Imeritinski and 
General Skobeleff on September 6, and it then 
became possible to attack Plevna from the south 
as well. 

A General Order was drafted by the Prince and 
his Staff with a view to the attack on the position, 
which was so warmly urged by the Grand Duke 
and his Staff, but which was to be postponed for 
the present. 

The troops now under the command of Prince 
Charles amounted to 107 battalions, 74 squadrons, 
and 442 guns. Total, 75,000 men and 8000 

The Grand Duke Nicholas, whose temperament 
had suffered much during the last few weeks, 
declared bluntly : " H faut attaquer absolument" 
to all the representations of the Prince, who was 
firmly convinced that Plevna could not be taken 
before the arrival of the expected Russian rein- 
forcements. The Grand Duke, on the other hand, 
was afraid that, unless Plevna was taken at once, 
Suleiman Pacha would effect a junction with 
Osman, and thus outnumber the Russian force. 

The preliminary bombardment of Plevna by 


146 guns commenced on September 7, and con- 
tinued throughout the night. Little or no 
damage was done by this cannonade, to which the 
Turkish guns only replied from time to time. 
Fire was again opened the following morning 
with 226 guns, chiefly concentrated against the 
Grivitza redoubt. 

About noon Prince Charles noticed that the 
guns of his Fourth Division were forced to retire 
before the fire of a Turkish redan some 900 yards 
to their front. The 13th Dorobanz Regiment, 
supported by the 1st Battalion of the 5th Line 
Regiment and a section of artillery, were ordered 
to take the redan. The attack was successfully 
carried out with a loss of two officers and 112 
men wounded and 20 killed, about the same time 
that General Skobeleff gained possession of the 
Green Hill. 

A council of war on September 10 decided to 
undertake a general attack along the whole line 
at 3 P.M. the following day. The only dissentient 
vote was that of Prince Charles, who thought that 
the four days' bombardment had produced too 
little effect, but he gave way to the opinion of 
the majority. 

At eleven o'clock on the momentous morning of 
September 11 a hot musketry fire was heard on 
the left flank, but owing to the thick mist the 
cause could not be ascertained at once, and it was 
not until 1 P.M. that Prince Charles received a 


report that General Skobeleff had already been 
hotly engaged for the last two hours, suffering 
severe losses. In the meantime the mist had 
lifted, and at 3 P.M. the attacking columns moved 
in good order against the entrenchments. After 
suffering terrible losses, the columns were obliged 
to fall back, leaving innumerable corpses to mark 
the line of their advance. Twice the Roumanian 
infantry reached the ditch of the death-dealing 
Grivitza redoubt ; twice, despite the utmost 
gallantry, they were forced back. Prince Charles 
could no longer watch this desperate struggle 
without taking share in it, and galloped down from 
his post of observation to the spot where the sur- 
vivors of his gallant troops stood. Animated by 
the presence and the praises of their leader, the 
soldiers demanded to be led once more against the 
hitherto impregnable redoubt. 

It is nearly half-past five o'clock ; the Prince 
is going to join the Emperor Alexander, with whom 
is the Grand Duke Nicholas, in order to report 
to him on the state of affairs. The latter recog- 
nised him from a distance, and met him with the 
anxious query, "How are things going?" The 
Prince could only reply that the attack had mis- 
carried, although he had still hope that the first 
Grivitza redoubt may be taken. Whilst he is still 
conversing with the Emperor, who is very much 
affected, an officer of Cossacks rides up at full 
gallop with the news that Turkish cavalry has 


broken out of Plevna and is advancing along the 
Grivitza road ! Everybody present implores the 
Emperor to retire immediately from his point of 
observation, and to return for safety to his head- 
quarters. The Emperor cedes to the general wish 
and returns to Raditschewo, accompanied by a 
large military escort a sad spectacle for those 
who were present. The thunder of artillery, the 
rattling of musketry continue apace although the 
day is drawing to a close. The Prince is still 
without any news concerning the result of the 
attack on the Grivitza redoubt, which he had 
ordered to be made. A battalion is drawn from 
the reserve for the protection of the Grand Duke 
and the Prince. A huge fire is lit, round which 
their Highnesses sit down with their staff. Every- 
body is more or less overcome by the excitement 
of the day, and conversation is at a standstill. 
Suddenly at nine o'clock a horseman appears on 
the scene. He brings the unexpected, and yet so 
anxiously longed-for news, that at half-past seven 
o'clock the Roumanians, by a last effort, had taken 
the Grivitza redoubt, and captured a Turkish flag 
and three cannon. Whilst at the same time four 
Russian battalions successfully advanced on the 
works from the south ; but a second redoubt, 
constructed in rear of the first, proved too strong 
to be assaulted ; thus the Russians were held in 

The news of this success, which had been 


delayed owing to the officer having lost his way 
in the dark, acts like magic upon those present. 
The Prince immediately sends the joyful tidings 
to the Emperor. 

General Skoheleff, whose independent advance 
was much criticised at headquarters, succeeded in 
taking two redoubts on the Green Hill, and 
demanded immediate support for his decimated 
force. This, however, could not be granted, owing 
to the distance (ten miles) from the reserve and 
the danger of the troops losing their way across 
country by night. The thunder of the guns 
and the rattle of musketry continued through- 
out the night, and only ceased at daybreak. 
The losses sustained proved to be enormous 
16,000 killed and wounded, amongst them 2600 

A council of war, held the second day after the 
battle, in the absence of Prince Charles, decided 
to summon General von Todleben, the ever famous 
defender of Sebastopol, with the whole of the 
Imperial Guard ; to desist from further assaults 
until their arrival, and to entrench the positions 
gained. A few votes (amongst others that of the 
Grand Duke) were even given for the withdrawal 
of the whole army behind the line of the Osma. 
The total want of initiative shown by General 
Krylow, who commanded the centre, led to his 
removal from the command of the Fourth Russian 
Corps, which was then given to General Pome- 


ranzew. Prince Charles assembled his generals 
in the great battery near Raditschewo, and 
gave them orders to shorten the line enclosing 
Plevna ; the counter- entrenchments which were 
ordered suffered considerable delay, however, 
as the Russian troops carried no entrenching 

The second Grivitza redoubt was attacked by 
the Roumanians on the 18th, but Prince Charles, 
who personally superintended the attack, was 
compelled to recall his brave troops, as the 
Turkish fire inflicted annihilating losses on the 
assaulting columns, who, nevertheless, succeeded 
in reaching the ditch of the redoubt. The losses 
amounted to 20 officers and 583 rnen killed and 
wounded within two hours. 

General von Todleben arrived before Plevna on 
September 30, and at a council of war at once 
expressed the opinion that the Turkish army 
could only be forced to surrender by means of a 
blockade. Plevna must be completely surrounded 
before a blockade could be enforced, and at least 
two more Corps were needed for this purpose. 
A Cavalry Corps under General Gourko was 
formed to operate on the far bank of the Wid, 
and to prevent Turkish supply columns from 
entering Plevna on that side. 

The Prince thus described the state of affairs in 
a letter to Princess Elisabeth, dated October 5th, 


" The Imperial Headquarters Staff have at last 
realised the situation, and a large army is now 
to be concentrated here : several divisions of in- 
fantry, in addition to the Imperial Guard ! 

" All these troops will be placed under my 
command, a distinction which cannot be over- 
estimated from a military and political point of 
view. General Todleben is appointed as my 
second-in-command, with Prince Irneritinski as 
Chief of my Staff : they are both pleased at being 
under my command, the latter, indeed, had before 
applied for the post, whilst the former told me 
that he was happy to serve under a German 
Prince, and especially under a Hohenzollern. I 
replied that I felt complimented at having the 
celebrated defender of Sebastopol at my side, and 
that I regarded him as my military preceptor from 
whom I had much to learn. We are already 
excellent friends, and understand each other per- 
fectly. I told him candidly what I thought about 
the attack of September llth and the course to be 
pursued now, and had the satisfaction of hearing 
from him that my proposals were absolutely 
correct then, and are so still." 

A curious incident is related in his next 
letter : 

" Yesterday evening at nine o'clock (October 8), 
as I was at work with General Todleben and 
Prince Imeritinski, the aide-de-camp on duty 


rushed into the room to report that an alarm had 
been given along the whole line : large watch-fires 
were seen and guns were heard in the distance ! 
The two squadrons of my escort saddled at once, 
and aides-de-camp and orderlies galloped up from 
all sides. I did not allow myself to be disquieted, 
and declared at once that it was a false alarm, for 
the night was so dark, the weather so terrible, 
and the roads so impassable from the downpour 
of rain, that it was impossible for the enemy to 
adopt the offensive. Several officers, who had 
been sent out, soon returned with the news that 
the Rifle Brigade of the Guard had lost their 
way, and had called for guides. Count Woronzow, 
the Chief of Staff of the Guard, at once rode to 
meet the troops ; but small detachments of the 
Brigade wandered about the whole night, and did 
not assemble until this morning, stiff with cold and 
wet. The fires, which had appeared so large in 
the mist, were only those of our own bivouacs. 
... I am now rather more comfortably furnished; 
since the last few days I have managed to obtain 
windows and doors, straw mats on the floor, and 
had the roof repaired, so that the rain no longer 
falls into my bedroom. . . . 

" The weather has been terrible for the last 
eight days, and the troops have suffered much in 
consequence : their boots simply rot on their feet 
in the melting snow : many have lost limbs 
through frost-bite, and the hospital tents are not 


sufficient to receive all the sick more than 2000 
men in the Army of the West ! 

"... I visited the Roumanian troops in the 
trenches, where they are standing knee-deep in 
mud and water ! The breastworks have fallen in 
in many places, so that they are exposed to the 
musketry of the Turks, and many men have been 
wounded during the last few days." 

The sufferings of the troops were still further 
increased by the destruction of the bridges over 
the Danube, and to the discomforts of cold and 
wet was added the terror of starvation. A num- 
ber of disputes occurred between the Russian and 
Roumanian foraging-parties, which culminated one 
day in a party of Russians being marched past the 
Prince's quarters as prisoners ! 

The second Grivitza redoubt was taken, after a 
first unsuccessful attempt, by the Roumanians on 
October 19, but the Turkish reserves eventually 
forced them to retire, with a loss of 300 killed and 
707 wounded. The Russians, however, succeeded 
in gaining possession of the great redoubt at 
Gornji-Dubnik under cover of night on the 24th, 
and thereby completed the investment of Plevna, 
from which Osman could now only escape by 
forcing his way through the lines of the Allies. 

The course of the investment proved uneventful 
until November 10, when General Skobeleff took 
the Green Hill by a night attack, with the com- 


paratively trifling loss of 200 men. This impor- 
tant point commands the town of Plevna, and its 
capture could not fail to hasten the end of the 
siege. Every attempt, especially by means of 
night attacks, was made by the Turks to drive the 
Russians out of this position, but each attempt 
was defeated by the stern valour of Skobeleff's 
veterans. In reply to the Grand Duke's summons 
to surrender, Osman Pacha sent the proud and 
soldierly answer that he had not yet exhausted 
all his means, and therefore could not capitulate : 
that his honour as a soldier required him to hold 
out to the last. 

The whole Russo- Roumanian line investing 
Plevna was now divided into six sections under 
separate commanders. The first and largest, con- 
sisting of some thirty field works connected by 
shelter-trenches, extended for nine and a half 
miles from the right bank of the Wid to the Gri- 
witza redoubt, the second ran from thence to the 
Plevna-Rustchuk road, the third to the Tutsche- 
nitza Ravine, and the fourth to Krtuschab, the 
fifth to the line of the Wid, and the sixth com- 
pleted the circle to the west of that river. 

The difficulties of his position were thus 
described by Prince Charles, November 17, 

" The command here is no easy task, for the 
General Staff often alter the dispositions, and the 


Imperial headquarters interfere directly on every 
occasion, thereby causing confusion. This has, 
however, been amended after some representa- 
tions, and we are now left alone. The expression, 
'under my immediate command,' in my last 
General Order, marks the altered conditions, and 
prevents any direct interference. It sometimes 
looks to me as though the Russians found me in 
the way ! . . . 

" A few days ago I visited the Roumanian right 
wing opposite Oponetz, and ordered a heavy bom- 
bardment to be commenced against the redoubts. 
The Turks did not reply, which proves that their 
ammunition is running short ; our outposts then 
advanced and occupied the nearest heights with- 
out resistance. We only lost two men. Plevna 
can only hold out for another fortnight at the 
most ; we expect Osman to attempt to break 
through any day, which will be the sign that his 
supply of food has come to an end. The position 
held by Skobeleff is continually attacked by the 
Turks, especially at night ; they hope to find 
there a means of escape. Skobeleff has been 
slightly wounded twice ; it is a miracle that he 
has not met his death, for he is always in the 
thick of the bullets. ..." 

A Roumanian detachment, under Colonel 
Slaniceanu, after a hot engagement took the 
Turkish works at Rahova, with a loss of over 


300 men, on November 20, and two Turkish 
guns and 140 ammunition carts fell into the 
hands of the victor. This success was followed 
up by the occupation of Tzibar Palanka and 
Rasgrad-Mahala, whence an attempt was to be 
made on Lom-Palanka. 

Another period of stormy weather followed 
December 5 and increased the already enormous 
difficulties of supply by carrying away nineteen 
pontoons of the bridge at Nikopoli. The roads 
became quite impassable ; hundreds of horses 
succumbed to privation and overwork, and lay 
rotting by the roadside. 

The long expected attempt of Osman Pacha to 
break through the lines of investment took place 
on December 10. A report was received the 
night before that the Turks were bridging the 
Wid, followed at half-past eight the next morning 
by the news that the besieged were commencing 
a sally. On hearing that the Roumanians had 
occupied the second Grivitza redoubt, Prince 
Charles at once repaired to that vantage-point, 
and eventually to the heights commanding 
Bukowa. At half-past eleven Prince Charles 
reported to the Czar by telegraph : " The battle 
on the other side of the Wid has come to a 
standstill. I can clearly distinguish the three 
lines, the Turks being caught between two fires. 
The first prisoners are now on their way to me." 

The reports which subsequently reached Prince 


Charles showed that the course of the action was 
as follows : 

The Turks commenced a hot fire from the guns 
posted near the Wid at half-past seven, just as 
the thick morning mist lifted ; several columns 
then crossed the river by the stone bridge and 
that constructed near Opanetz, and attacked the 
redoubt near Gornji-Netropol with such vigour that 
the 9th Russian Grenadiers were forced to retire, 
leaving eight guns in the redoubt. The next 
redoubt was also taken at the first rush, as the 
reserves had no time to reinforce the first line. 
The two Russian Grenadier Divisions, however, 
prevented any further progress of the attacking 
columns, though they were unable to regain 
possession of the lost redoubts. At ten o'clock 
the advance of the Roumanians against the 
enemy's right flank caused the Turks to form 
front to that direction as well. The struggle 
continued till noon, by which time the Turkish 
troops were completely surrounded, and their 
commander, wounded in the left leg by a splinter 
of a shell, then decided to surrender, as his force 
could neither advance on Sofia nor retire to Plevna. 

A white flag was hoisted on a cottage not far 
from the bridge over the Wid about 1 P.M., and 
a staff officer was despatched to find the com- 
mander of the nearest body of troops. A 
Roumanian officer, Colonel Cerchez, was the 


fortunate man to receive the message that 
Osman Pacha wished to see him. The Turkish 
Commander-in-Chief was having his wound 
dressed when Colonel Cerchez reached the cottage. 
He declined, however, to receive Osman's sword, 
as he had no authority to do so, and sent for 
General Ganetzki. On the arrival of the Russian 
General, Osman was forced to surrender uncon- 
ditionally, as his situation was absolutely hope- 
less. No less than 40,000 men and seventy-seven 
guns thus fell into the hands of the victors. 

An indescribable scene of confusion presented 
itself to the eyes of Prince Charles, who, on 
hearing of the surrender of the Turkish com- 
mander, proceeded to the bridge over the Wid, 
where the decisive struggle had taken place. 
Russian and Roumanian Corps alternated with 
long columns of prisoners and fugitives from 
Plevna ; thousands of carts, waggons, and horses, 
laden with the wretched goods and chattels of 
the Mohammedan population, blocks the Sofia 
road. A carriage, surrounded by Roumanian 
troopers, was suddenly encountered, and proved 
to contain no less a person than Osman Pacha, 
accompanied by Tahir Pacha, the Chief of Staff, 
and Tewfik Pacha, the Chief Engineer. "The 
Turkish Commander is a man of middle height 
and thick-set figure ; his large melancholy eyes 
lend his face a most attractive expression, and his 


whole manner is quiet, dignified, and sympathetic." 
Prince Charles shook hands with him, and 
expressed his admiration at the heroic defence of 
Plevna. The Grand Duke Nicholas, who arrived 
at this moment, also expressed his admiration of 
this feat of arms, and ordered the distinguished 
prisoner to be treated with the utmost attention. 
Prince Charles subsequently returned through 
Plevna to Poradim to report the course of events 
to the Czar. The following day the Czar, after 
attending a Te Deum in the open air in celebra- 
tion of the victory, sent for Osman Pacha, who 
had not yet quitted the vicinity of Plevna. The 
Turkish General was received by his Imperial 
Majesty in the presence of the Grand Duke 
Nicholas and Prince Charles. After paying 
tribute to the heroic courage with which Plevna 
had been defended, the Czar returned Osman's 
sword as a mark of esteem, a compliment which 
the latter briefly acknowledged with true Oriental 

It was decided by a council of war to reinforce 
General Gourko, so that the projected advance 
on Sofia might proceed at once, and Prince 
Charles's offer to observe Widin with two 
Divisions, whilst a third escorted the prisoners 
of war to the Russian frontier, was grate- 
fully accepted, since demands for reinforcements 
were received daily from all parts of the theatre 
of war. 


Prince Charles took leave of the army investing 
Plevna with the following order : 


" Your endurance and your heroic struggle 
have been crowned with success. Plevna, which the 
enemy believed to be impregnable and capable of 
preventing the victorious advance of his Majesty 
the Czar ; Plevna, which has cost the Christian 
forces so much noble blood ; Plevna has fallen ! 

"The aim of the investing army, the command 
of which his Imperial Majesty was pleased to 
entrust to me, has now been fulfilled, and this 
order conveys to the Imperial Russian troops, 
which I had the honour to command, my farewell 
greeting, and at the same time my gratitude for 
the self-sacrificing devotion which has been 
accorded to me by the whole army from general 
to private. 

" You have fought under the eyes of your august 
Czar and your chivalrous Commander-in-Chief, 
H.I.H. the Grand Duke Nicholas. They have 
both been witnesses of your heroic courage, and 
there is no need for me to add my praise to 

" You have set a shining example of valour and 
the highest military virtues to my young Rou- 
manian army. The glorious Imperial army has 
become united with my troops by an irrefragable 


bond of friendship, and 1 hope that you will pre- 
serve the same friendly remembrance of your 
Roumanian brothers -in-arms as they will of you. 

" I lay down my command with regret, and it is 
my most fervent wish on taking leave of you that 
in your future struggles for our holy cause you 
may achieve as glorious successes as in the past. 

" Therefore let us join once more before we part 
in that joyous exclamation which springs from your 
hearts : Long life to his Majesty the Czar ! " 

The Emperor Alexander sent the following 
official letter to Prince Charles, dated 1/13 Decem- 
ber, 1877 : 

" After a resistance of five months, the combined 
efforts of our allied troops have been crowned with 
complete success. The army of Osman Pacha has 
laid down its arms and Plevna has fallen. Desirous 
of consecrating the memory of this great success, 
and the personal part your Highness has had in 
it, I take pleasure in conferring on your Highness 
on this occasion my Order of St. Andreas with 
swords. I beg your Highness to accept the 
insignia as a mark of my sincere affection, the 

expression of which I renew. 


On December 5, the Grand Duke Nicholas 
issued an Order of the Day in which occurs the 
following passage : 


". . . In prescribing the dissolution of the 
corps in question I consider I ought to express my 
sincere gratitude to its chief, his Highness Prince 
Charles of Roumania, who, since August 17, 
has commanded the allied troops forming in the 
first instance the Army of the West, and later on 
the Corps of Investment. Thanks to his excep- 
tional activity his Highness was able to establish 
the most complete cohesion between the Russian 
and Eoumanian troops, to form them into one 
homogeneous body, and to direct their efforts in 
conformity with my prescriptions towards the final 
aim which has so brilliantly crowned the common 
task (I'ceuvre commune) ..." 

His Imperial Highness forwarded this document 
to Prince Charles, together with a letter which 
contained a warm tribute to Prince Charles and 
the Roumanian army : 

" The brilliant results which have just been 
obtained before Plevna are in a great measure due 
to the co-operation of the brave Roumanian army, 
as well as to the impulse which the allied troops 
received from their immediate commander, whose 
activity, courage, and devotion to his soldierly 
duties they admired and strove to imitate." 

Amongst the many compliments which were 
showered on the Commander of the Army of 
Investment, none was more deeply appreciated 


than the following despatch from the German 
Emperor : 


" I have followed your operations and noted 
the valour of your troops with the greatest interest. 
I cannot express too warmly my pleasure at this 
success ; and I permit myself to confer on you 
herewith my military Order Pour le Merite. As 
you are aware of the value placed on this Order by 
my army, you will no doubt appreciate its bestowal. 
How many dangers, exertions, and privations you 
must have shared with your troops before you 
could at last celebrate a glorious triumph by the 
fall of Plevna ! God be with you in the future. 


After an absence of four eventful months Prince 
Charles set out on December 22, a bitterly cold 
day, for Nikopoli en route for Bucharest. The 
roadsides offered a terrible picture of the horrors 
of war. Almost every step was marked by the 
corpse of some Turkish prisoner or Russian invalid 
who had succumbed to the bitter cold. One 
incident became engraved indelibly upon the 
Prince's mind. A little group of Turks appeared 
to be talking round the fragment of a wheel at 
some slight distance from the road, but on closer 
inspection they were found to be all frozen to 
death over their last fire. Even the streets of 


Nikopoli were not free from these ghastly mile- 
stones, and the Prince's thoughts involuntarily 
turned to the story of Napoleon's retreat from 
Russia. The unfortunate Turkish prisoners, to 
the number of 11,000, were herded together in the 
ditch of the fort exposed to the bitter cold 
(22 R.) without even a vestige of warm clothing. 
Small wonder that the Prince, who could do 
nothing to alleviate their sufferings, hastened to 
cross the Danube, beyond the reach of their groans 
and supplications. 

As only a few of the pontoons had managed to 
resist the pressure of the ice, Prince Charles was 
forced to cross the Danube by means of a* small 
steamboat, which took an hour to reach the 
Roumanian bank. His first action on reaching 
Turnu-Magurele was directed to alleviating the 
miseries of the wounded and the unfortunate 
prisoners, to which merciful work he devoted 
Christmas Day of 1877. 

A welcome letter from his father was received 
here : 

" Roumania must now maintain its vitality by 
the development of its independence, and prove 
practically to the Powers that it has become an 
essential member of the European States. 

" I have followed the successes of your brave 
troops with un diminished attention. Their 
organisation has justified itself, the spirit of the 


officers is the result of your training. Their 
achievements have everywhere been such as one 
could hardly expect from veteran troops. This 
attainment of an object persistently pursued must 
be the highest reward for your self-sacrificing 
efforts, and is at the same time a triumph over 
the public opinion of Europe, which has never had 
much sympathy with the Roumanian State and 
its army. 

" At the present it is impossible to foresee what 
will happen after the fall of Plevna. I do 
not believe in the prophecies of the Press re- 
garding an expected peace, for Russia cannot 
possibly content herself with the result of Plevna. 
She must set right the mistaken beginning of the 
whole campaign against Turkey, which rested 
upon false calculations and disparagement of the 
enemy. These events, however, have been fortu- 
nate for Roumania, for the insufficiency of the 
Russian means of war was the very reason why 
the support of the Roumanian army became a 
necessity. It seems almost the work of Provi- 
dence that such tasks and efforts in the theatre of 
war should have fallen to the lot of the Rou- 
manians as to place them on a footing of equality 
in the eyes of Russia and Europe. . . . 

" As soon as the military difficulties have been 
conquered, political troubles will accumulate to a 
still greater degree. The Triple Alliance must 
now prove its strength, for, if it is firmly united, 


the decision of European affairs will lie in its 
hands alone. . . ." 

Princess Elisabeth awaited her husband, from 
whom she had been separated for four long and 
anxious months, at Titu, from whence they 
reached Bucharest at one o'clock. The whole 
population of the capital turned out to do honour 
to their ruler, who had shared their dangers and 
their troubles, and who had achieved the inde- 
pendence of his adopted country sword in hand. 

The day closed with a magnificent torchlight 
procession under the windows of the palace, after 
which Prince Charles and his wife drove through 
the brilliantly illuminated streets. 

Whilst Prince Charles had been manfully 
engaged in the field, the Princess had made it 
her special care to look after "her" wounded, as 
she termed them, and it was therefore with a 
special pleasure that the Prince learnt that the 
merciful efforts of his wife had been recognised 
and appreciated by the Czarina, who sent a 
special messenger to Princess Elisabeth with the 
Order of St. Catherine in brilliants, on the 
occasion of her birthday (December 29). 

A telegram from the Turkish Minister of War, 
Heuf Pacha, addressed to the Grand Duke 
Nicholas at Bucharest, informed the Russian 
Commander that the Porte had empowered Mehe- 
med Ali to negotiate an armistice. Although 


Prince Charles thought that the Russians would 
hardly desist from their victorious advance, he 
nevertheless telegraphed to the Grand Duke, 
requesting that Rouma.nia should participate in 
the negotiations with which her interests were so 
closely connected. Colonel Arion was sent to the 
Russian headquarters to act on behalf of the 
Prince in the approaching negotiations for an 
armistice. His instructions were, briefly, to 

(1) The occupation of the Danubian fortresses 
by Roumanian troops until the conclusion of 

(2) The recognition of Rouinania's independence.- 

(3) The dismantling of the Turkish fortresses on 
the Danube from Adakaleh in the west to the 
mouth of the river. 

(4) The transfer to Roumania of all the mouths 
of the Danube. 

(5) A war indemnity of 100,000,000 francs and 
the occupation of Nikopoli, Rahova, Lom-Palanka r 
and Widin until payment in full. 

In the event of the Roumanian plenipotentiary 
not taking part in the negotiations, Colonel Arion 
was instructed to protest against every clause 
affecting Roumania which was agreed to in his 
absence, and to declare the same null and void, 
A large indemnity was demanded, because it was 
intended to cover the heavy expenses and losses 
incurred through the war. 


The difficulties which Roumania seemed likely 
to encounter at the conclusion of peace are thus 
alluded to by Prince Charles in a letter to the 
German Crown Prince, January 14, 1878 : 

" The newspapers are full of rumours that the 
Russians intend to resume possession of the Bess- 
arabian districts, incorporated in Roumania by 
the Treaty of Paris. I cannot believe this, seeing 
that we have rendered them great service at a 
most critical moment. Moreover, such a rectifi- 
cation of the frontier would most decidedly be 
against the interests of Germany and Austria, 
who must prevent the mouths of the Danube from 
falling into the hands of a great Power. 

" The Second Article of the treaty regulating 
the passage of the Russian army through Roumania 
lays it down that the Government of his Majesty 
the Czar pledges itself to maintain and defend the 
former integrity of Roumania. Though it cannot 
be believed that this formal engagement is to be 
violated, still great anxiety prevails here, espe- 
cially as the Russian Press constantly refers to 
this topic." 

Minister Cogalniceanu also forwarded a Note to 
the Russian Agent in Bucharest, laying stress on 
the fact that Roumania had proclaimed its inde- 
pendence by declaring war with the Porte direct, 
and that the army had crossed the Danube at the 


invitation of the Russian Government as well as 
of the Headquarters Staff. The independent 
character which Roumania assumed during the 
war could not, therefore, be cast aside when, at 
the conclusion of hostilities, the work of diplomacy 
commenced. The Roumanian Government accord- 
ingly claimed the right and the duty of taking 
part in the negotiations, just as the army had 
shared the heat and the burden of the fighting. 
On January 29, however, Prince Ghika reported 
by telegraph from St. Petersburg that the Czar 
and his Chancellor had formally notified him of 
the intention of the Russian Government to 
regain possession of the Roumanian portion of 
Bessarabia, whilst Roumania was to be indemnified 
by the Delta of the Danube and the Dobrutscha as 
far as Kustendje. The motive assigned was that 
the territory in question was not ceded to Rou- 
mania but to Moldavia, and had been separated 
from Russia by a treaty of which scarcely a single 
provision remained in force. Moreover, the 
national dignity and honour of Russia demanded 
the re-acquisition of this district. General Igna- 
tieff, it was said, would be sent to Bucharest to 
negotiate direct with Prince Charles and his 
Government. In reply to all Ghika's remon- 
strances, Gortchakoff retorted : " Whatever 
arguments you employ, they cannot modify our 
decision, which is unalterable. You are opposed 
by a political necessity." 


General Ignatieff arrived at Bucharest on 
January 31, 1878, and presented the following 
almost threatening letter from Prince Gortchakoff 
to the Minister of Foreign Affairs : 

" His Majesty the Czar considers that the time 
has arrived to elucidate certain questions which I 
have already discussed in general terms with your 
Excellency regarding the future peace. It is 
essential that there should be no misunderstanding 
on this point. 

"It is with a view to avoiding such misunder- 
standings that my august master is sending his 
aide-de-camp, General Count Ignatieff, to Bucha- 
rest. He will explain to you the views of the 
Imperial Cabinet, with the general tendency of 
which your Excellency is already acquainted. You 
know that we desire to do everything for Rou- 
mania that is possible in the field of diplomacy. 
But your Excellency knows also that we have 
interests and rights to guard which we cannot 
forego. What we expect from the Roumanian 
Government is a just and rational appreciation of 
its situation and ours. This is the way in which 
the traditions which unite Roumania to Russia 
may be perpetuated and consolidated. Your 
country owes its past to us, and I believe that it 
will also find in us its most solid support in the 
future. I reckon on the keen intelligence of your 
Excellency and of the President of the Council to 


see to it that high and statesmanlike views 
shall prevail over party passions at a moment 
which may be decisive for the relations between 
our countries." 

Count Ignatieff did not mention the proposed 
cession of Bessarabia to Prince Charles until the 
latter questioned him on this point. The Prince 
then declared his inability to accede to this . 
exchange, which he felt convinced did not 
emanate from the Czar, but from his Majesty's 
political entourage. The Russian envoy sub- 
sequently touched upon the possibility of Prince 
Charles being elected to the throne of Bulgaria, 
and even asked what would be his attitude should 
such an offer be made. The Prince, needless to 
say, answered evasively, and at once turned the 

The Roumanian Agent in Paris reported on the 
25th that neither M. Waddington, Lord Lyons, 
nor Prince Hohenlohe were informed of the Russian 
demands on Bessarabia, and that he had come to the 
conviction that the question of the proposed cession 
excited very little interest amongst the Powers, 
whilst not even Germany was expected to protest 
against the action of Russia. 

The papers relating to the recent diplomatic 
correspondence were laid before a secret sitting 
of the Chamber and the Senate on February 4. 
Amidst the greatest excitement, the representa- 


tives of the nation declared that Roumania would 
preserve the integrity of its territory to the last, 
with armed force if necessary. A resolution em- 
bodying the claims of Roumania to the consider- 
ation of Russia, and referring to the guarantee 
of the Powers, as well as to the promise contained 
in the Convention of March 4, 1877, was adopted 
unanimously by the Chamber and by a large 
majority in the Senate. 

A critical period now arrived with the news that 
the English Lower House had voted 6,000,000 
sterling for military preparations, whilst the 
advance of the British fleet to the entrance of 
the Dardanelles led to the Russian occupation of 
several entrenchments within the neutral zone 
before Constantinople. Owing to the threatening 
attitude of England, delays took place in the 
treaty of peace, and Russia threatened to occupy 
Constantinople. The English Ambassador at 
Vienna remarked to the Roumanian Agent that 
his Government had no information about the 
Russian claims to Bessarabia, and pointed out that 
this question was of a very delicate nature, because 
Russia appeared to lay special stress on the retro- 
cession of the districts, and also because of the 
unwillingness of other States to interfere between 

Cogalniceanu laid two important Notes before 
the Prince on February 14, 1878, referring to the 
independence of Roumania, and addressed to the 


Powers and the Sublime Porte. The first Note 
referred to a former one of June 3, proclaiming 
independence, and at the same time requesting 
the Powers to abstain from recognising it until 
the decisive moment arrived. This had now 
occurred, and Roumania hoped that the Powers 
would now welcome her as worthy of admission to 
the great European family, seeing that she had 
sealed her independence with the sword. The 
Note concluded with the request that a Eoumanian 
delegate might attend the approaching conference. 
The second Note, addressed to Constantinople, 
expressed a desire to resume friendly relations 
with the Porte, and referred briefly to the reasons 
which led Roumania to take part in the war. The 
voluntary recognition of the accomplished inde- 
pendence would create a firmer and more valuable 
bond of union between Turkey and Roumania 
than that which now belonged to the past. 

The preliminaries of the peace were signed at 
Adrianople on January 31, 1878, when the fol- 
lowing conditions were agreed to : 

( 1 ) Bulgaria to be formed into an autonomous tri- 
butary principality under a Christian Government. 

(2) The independence of Montenegro to be 

(3) Roumania and Servia to be independent and 
to receive an increase of territory. 

(4) Bosnia and Herzegovina to be granted an 
autonomous administration. 


(5) Russia to be indemnified for the expense and 
losses caused by the war. 

Prince Bismarck, speaking of the Eastern 
Question in the Reichstag, said the preliminaries 
of peace in no way affected the interests of 
Germany, and that there was no cause to exchange 
the part of a spectator for that of an actor. The 
question of the Dardanelles alone was of great 
importance, for " the water ways, the straits, as 
well as the Danube from the Black Sea north- 
wards, must remain open to German commerce." 
Germany, declared the Chancellor, would not 
adopt the attitude of an arbitrator, but that of an 
" honest broker," who had every intention of doing 
business (i.e., in effecting a lasting peace). The 
German Empire would never sacrifice the friend- 
ship with Russia, which had been proved through 
past generations, in order to obtain the vain credit 
of playing the judge in Europe ! 

The attitude to be adopted by Prince Charles 
was thus sketched out by his father : 

" The offered portion of the unproductive Dob- 
rutscha is, indeed, no compensation for the cession 
of Bessarabia, but will, nevertheless, be accept- 
able if Kiistendje forms part of the bargain. 
Indeed, the acquisition of this Black Sea port may 
perhaps be of the greatest importance to the 
future of the flourishing commerce of Roumania. 
The conditio sine qua non for the incorporation of 


the district on the right bank must be the dis- 
mantling of the Danubian fortresses, for an autono- 
mous Bulgaria has no need for fortified protection 
on its northern frontier, whilst they might, even 
under changed circumstances, prove a danger to 
Roumania, as they would become so many sally- 
ports in time of war." 

The virgin fortress of Widin, which had been 
invested by three Roumanian Divisions, was 
handed over by Isset Pacha on February 24, 
when the Turkish garrison marched out with all 
the honours of war. An enormous quantity of 
munitions of war was found in the magazines, but 
the supplies of food appeared to be almost 
exhausted. A day later the rock fortress of 
Belgradjik was also handed over to the Rou- 
manians with the same ceremonies. 

The following laconic telegram from the Grand 
Duke Nicholas was handed to Prince Charles on 
March 3, 1878 : 

"It is with great pleasure that I inform you 
that the peace has just been signed." 



THE feelings of consternation and bitter resent- 
ment evoked by the publication of the Treaty of 
San Stefano soon found expression in the Rou- 
manian Chamber, where the action of the Russian 
Government was criticised in scathing terms, and 
in the Press, whose comments on the situation 
were little calculated to restrain the popular 
indignation. The Minister of the Exterior tele- 
graphed to the various Roumanian diplomatic 
agents abroad that the Government felt itself 
compelled to protest against a treaty, every 
article of which was either directly or indirectly 
opposed to the interests of Roumania. Prince 
Charles, on the other hand, was convinced of the 
futility of ah 1 protests, and the impossibility of 
retaining Bessarabia, and was therefore chiefly 
concerned in checking the growing hostility of 
the Roumanian nation towards their all-powerful 
neighbour. At the same time no effort was 
spared to secure the representation of Roumania 


at the impending European Congress, and M. 
Bratianu, the President of the Ministry, was 
despatched for this purpose to Vienna and Berlin 
with letters from the Prince himself. 

Though the general disposition towards Rou- 
mania on the part of the Great Powers was that 
of lukewarm platonic sympathy, a ray of hope 
was at one time afforded by the warlike attitude 
of England, who would only agree to a Congress 
empowered to consider the whole of the Treaty of 
San Stefano. General Ignatieff traversed Europe 
in order to effect an understanding between the 
several Cabinets. Prince Charles Anthony, how- 
ever, warned his son that " the loss of the 
Bessarabian region must now be regarded as in- 
evitable, and the only consolation is that the 
sympathy of public opinion generally is accorded 
to you and to your country." 

During the absence of Bratianu, Prince Gort- 
chakoff transmitted to the Roumanian Agent in 
St. Petersburg a threat which had fallen from the 
mouth of the Czar himself: that if Roumania 
protested against Article VIII. of the Treaty 
(which defined the route of the Russian troops 
through Roumania), he, the Czar, would disarm 
the Roumanian army. Prince Charles at once 
caused the following reply to be forwarded : "The 
Roumanian army, which fought so gallantly 
before Plevna under the eyes of the Czar, may 
be annihilated, but will never be disarmed ! " 


The situation was critical, since the Russian 
army practically occupied the Principality, and 
the flimsiest pretexts were employed to increase 
the number of troops in and round Bucharest. 
The threats of Prince Gortchakoff were dis- 
cussed throughout Europe, even in the English 
Parliament. At length Prince Charles was forced 
to prepare for the worst, and to make arrange- 
ments to remove his troops and Government to 
Little Wallachia. The tension between Russia 
and Roumania was still further increased at 
this period by a remarkable incident. On the 
conclusion of the peace, Prince Charles had for- 
warded a congratulatory letter to the Czar 
through the Consul -General at Bucharest, and 
was therefore greatly surprised to learn from 
Prince Alexander of Battenberg that the Czar 
was complaining at not having received his con- 
gratulations. It was then discovered that the 
Imperial aide-de-camp, to whom the letter had 
been entrusted, had been seriously ill at Vienna, 
and the unfortunate delay of six weeks was 
thus accounted for. The Czar telegraphed as 
follows immediately the letter reached his hands 
(April 8, 1878) : 

" Your kind letter of the 21st February did not 
reach me until-to-day. I thank you sincerely for 
it, and offer the same prayers as yourself that the 
peace may become firm and lasting. My feelings 


and my friendship for you and Princess Elisabeth 
will remain unaltered ; but I cannot but regret 
the attitude of those who are at the head of your 
Government, and who have brought about a 
situation which is entirely antagonistic to the 
real interests of Roumania." 

A letter expressed the Czar's views still more 
forcibly : 

"... The painful relations created by the 
measures of your Ministers cannot alter my 
affectionate interest and friendship for you. I 
regret having been obliged to indicate the 
measures which their course of action may even- 
tually force me to adopt. You cannot doubt how 
pleased I should be to be able to avoid this, for 
it is not in such a light that I should care to 
see our traditionally amicable relations placed, 
cemented as they are by our brotherhood in arms ; 
and I am certain that you yourself share my 
sentiments. I understand the desire of your 
Government to regulate by a special arrangement 
the relations which an extension of the stay of 
my army on the Danube will necessitate. But 
the peace is not yet finally concluded, and our 
conventions have therefore not ceased to hold 
good. You certainly understand, moreover, that 
it is impossible for me to allow the least un- 
certainty to hover over the communications and 


supplies of my troops. A friendly arrangement 
between our two Governments might easily 
regulate matters in view of the new situation, 
which would follow a definite peace. I am quite 
willing to lend myself to this measure, and I 
have therefore ordered a special official to proceed 
to Bucharest, who will be instructed to discuss 
the same with your Ministers. I shall be de- 
lighted to see an entente established, and I 
believe that this will be more in the interests of 
Roumania than the existing tension of our 
relations. I hope that you will bring your 
support to bear upon the issue, and you may 
rest assured of mine. . . . 


Prince Charles thus describes the situation in a 
letter to his father : 

" The East is confronted by a new crisis from 
which, thanks to its energetic attitude, my 
country will not emerge the loser. The Treaty 
of San Stefano is the work of Ignatieff. ... I 
rejoice at the resolute attitude of England. ... I 
asked several Russian Generals, who paid their 
respects to me to-day, what was the meaning of 
the movements of the troops in the country, and 
they told me that several Divisions were preparing 
to return to Russia : the army was longing for 
peace, and was thoroughly tired of the war." . . . 


Nevertheless, the disquiet caused by the move- 
ments of the Russian troops did not disappear, 
although they were declared to be only directed 
against Austria. 

As Prince Charles had foreseen, Roumania had 
little active support to expect from the Great 
Powers. Prince Bismarck informed M. Bratianu, 
who had been received with assurances of friend- 
ship both at Vienna and Berlin, that Bessarabia 
was the sine qua non for Russia, and he therefore 
advised Roumania to come to an understanding 
with that Power before the assembly of the 
Congress, by voluntarily surrendering the three 
Pruth districts. Roumania might then obtain 
much, very much indeed, as compensation from 
the great Empire. Prince Charles considered 
this course practicable, but Bratianu was in 
favour of holding out until the last moment. 
Lord Salisbury, on the other hand, assured the 
Roumanian Agent in Paris that Prince Charles 
might count upon England's effectual support in 
peace and in war, though this promise lost much 
of its value by the addition that mere important 
questions than the fate of Bessarabia existed for 
England, and, provided these were settled amic- 
ably, war would not be declared for the sake of 

The British armaments, which included the 
movement of Indian troops to the Mediterranean 
garrisons, continued to increase until May, when 


Count SchuwalofFs mission at last secured the 
assembly of the Congress. In the meantime, 
Prince Charles inspected his forces in Little 
Wallachia. The Russians and Roumanians at no 
great distance from the capital were dangerously 
near to one another, and the Roumanian Chamber 
voted increased supplies for war material on its 
own initiative. The whole of Roumania was 
anxious to make every possible sacrifice in defence 
of the national honour. 

Two dastardly attempts on the life of the 
venerable German Emperor evoked feelings of 
the deepest indignation throughout the world. 
Prince Charles telegraphed as follows on behalf 
of both himself and his consort : 

" We cannot find words in which to express 
our consternation and grief at the execrable deed 
which has again endangered your Majesty's life. 
We thank God that the wound is not serious, and 
hope that the certain knowledge that you are 
surrounded by the deep love of many millions will 
help your Majesty out of the bitterness of these 

The Congress was at length opened by Prince 
Bismarck at Berlin on June 13, 1878, after Count 
Schuwaloff had succeeded in making terms with 
England, whereby Russia was allowed to annex 
Bessarabia and Batoum in return for the division 


of Bulgaria. In appointing Bratianu and Cogal- 
niceanu as Roumanian delegates, Prince Charles 
again reminded them that, since Bessarabia must 
be considered as lost to Roumania, they must 
endeavour to obtain the greatest possible terri- 
torial compensation on the right bank of the 
Danube, possibly even as far as the line Rust- 
chuk- Varna. The Roumanian delegates were, 
however, not permitted to attend the sittings of 
the Congress until after the representatives of 
the Powers had decided to sanction the annexa- 
tion of Bessarabia by Russia. Yet another severe 
blow was destined to fall on Roumania, and by 
the hand, too, of a formerly friendly power, 
France. Before the independence of Roumania 
was recognised, all restrictions upon the political 
and civil rights of all creeds, imposed by the 
Constitution, were to be removed ; in other words, 
the Roumanian Jews were to be admitted to the 
franchise. All the entreaties and representations 
of the Roumanian delegates were in vain ; even 
Lord Beaconsfield, in a private audience, con- 
tented himself with the remark that " in politics 
ingratitude is often the reward of the greatest 

As a matter of fact, the resolutions of the Con- 
gress left Roumania in a worse plight than before 
the war. Even the most advanced Liberals, who 
had formerly championed the Jewish cause, were 
exasperated at having this measure thrust upon 


them by the Foreign Powers as a condition, 
before their independence, honourably achieved 
with blood and steel upon the field of glory, 
could be recognised. Moreover, the compensation 
offered, the Delta of the Danube and the Dobrud- 
scha as far as the line Silistria-Mangalia, so far 
from being appreciated, was actually opposed 
with vigour by a large section of the nation. 

The Prince's position was doubly difficult : 
himself the most tolerant of mortals, he viewed 
all attempts at persecution with the sternest dis- 
favour ; as a ruler, he could not close his eyes to 
the inevitable result of the emancipation of the 
Moldavian Jews, who would then have gained 
possession of the greater part of the heavily 
mortgaged estates in that district. Whatever 
happened, it seemed as though the enormous 
sacrifices which Eoumania had borne had failed 
to secure any adequate recompense ; whilst, on the 
other hand, England had received Cyprus, and 
Austria was to administer Bosnia and Herze- 
govina. Bratianu, therefore, was only too correct 
when he reported from Berlin : " Prince Bismarck 
alone was straightforward with us from the com- 
mencement when he told us Bessarabia was lost. 
He was sincere, for it would have been to his 
interest if we had come to an understanding with 
Russia direct ! All the other Great Powers were 
interested in supporting our resistance, for they 
were then able, by sacrificing us in the end, to 


obtain more concessions for themselves from 

Prince Charles wrote to his father on August 4, 
1878 : 

" The struggles which Roumania has had to 
endure during the last few months, and has yet 
to endure, are, beyond all comparison, more 
serious than those at Plevna and Widin. To 
issue victorious from them will be far more 
honourable to my country than the laurels 
gathered on the battlefields of Bulgaria ! It is 
pitiful that Europe should force a young and 
energetic State, which has shown its power and 
vitality in a bloody war, to cede a province. The 
Berlin Congress might return to Russia what the 
Treaty of Paris took away, but it wounds us 
deeply that our independence, achieved on the 
battlefield, should be made contingent upon the 
cession of Bessarabia, and much patience and 
moderation are necessary to allow such a course to 
be adopted. We shall, however, show the Powers 
that we know how to extricate ourselves with 
honour from the worst situations. 

"As soon as the Articles referring to Rou- 
mania became known, the greatest consternation 
arose, and even the most peaceful of the people 
declared they would rather not acquire indepen- 
dence at such a price. I convened a Council of 
Ministers and conferred with a few political 


leaders, advising the greatest care, since a hasty 
step might bring the country into extreme 
danger. Europe has need of peace and insists on 
it ; it will not, therefore, be content with half 
measures, but will execute the resolutions of the 
Congress by force. After their first anger had 
been subdued, people here became more reason- 
able, and recognised that it was impossible to 
resist the whole of Europe. 

" We closed the Chambers, and decided to allow 
the Russian occupation of Bessarabia to approach. 
We shall then avoid any record in writing, with- 
draw our officials, and admit a fait accompli. 
When this painful affair has once come to an end, 
we must find a modus Vivendi with Russia, in 
order to be able to regulate a multitude of 
details without hindrance. All this will, how- 
ever, be effected by the Administration ; Crown 
and Chamber are not to take any part therein. 

" The territory on the right bank of the Danube 
is not given to us in exchange for Bessarabia ; we 
take it simply as a war indemnity, and because 
Europe gives it to us. We have thus gained very 
much both morally and materially, and no one 
can refuse us their respect. The districts pro- 
mised us by the Congress have a great future, 
and in a few years I hope to raise them to a 
flourishing condition. Their inhabitants think 
themselves fortunate in being connected with 
Roumania, and have already sent me many 


addresses, to which, up to the present, I have not 

" Kiistendje is a beautiful port, and, like the 
railway to Tschernavoda, was constructed by an 
English company. A few good hotels and instal- 
lations have been made there for sea bathing. 
The situation is healthy." 

About this period the Prince received the fol- 
lowing letter from Prince Charles Anthony of 
Hohenzollern : 

" The whole strength of the nation must now 
be concentrated on the acquisition of the Dob- 
rudscha and the economic and political tasks 
which have arisen there. ... A reconciliation 
with Hussia may perhaps prove the most urgent 
duty of self-preservation." 

On the anniversary of Grivitza Prince Charles 
addressed a cordial telegram to the Czar, receiving 
in turn a very hearty reply. 

After the army had been placed on a peace 
footing, and the Russian troops had quitted the 
country, Prince Charles devoted himself to the 
task of carrying out the conditions imposed by 
the Berlin Congress. Since Article VII. of the 
Roumanian Constitution stipulates that only 
Christians can become citizens, a Constituante 
had to be convened at Bucharest, in the hope 


that the alteration of the Constitution would 
secure the necessary two-thirds majority. 

The Ministry decided about this time to request 
Prince Charles to assume the title of Royal High- 
ness, as being more suitable to the ruler of a 
country which surpassed many a European king- 
dom in point of area and population. The Powers 
immediately recognised the new title, whilst 
Prince Charles Anthony was of opinion that it 
would have been better to follow the example 
of Belgium, and assume the royal dignity forth- 

Towards the end of September the Chambers 
assembled to recognise the Treaty of Berlin, which, 
after many violent speeches, they managed to do 
just one day before the cession of Bessarabia, the 
resolution being worded as follows : 

" The Chamber of Deputies has taken cogni- 
sance of the dispositions made by the Treaty of 
Berlin regarding Roumania. Compelled by the 
decision of the Powers, and in order not to be 
an obstacle to the consolidation of peace, the 
Chamber empowers the Government to comply 
with the universal wish of Europe by recalling 
the civil and military authorities from Bessarabia, 
and taking possession of the Dobrudscha, the 
Danube Delta, and the Serpents' Island. The 
other questions will be settled by constitutional 


The Russian occupation of Bessarabia passed off 
uneventfully ; the Roumanian officials retired 
without a word, and Prince Charles was spared 
the pain of signing his name to any document in 
connection with the cession. A marked contrast 
to this was afforded by the Austrian occupation 
of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which encountered 
violent resistance, and was accompanied by much 

A couple of days after the withdrawal from 
Bessarabia, the triumphal entry of the Roumanian 
army into Bucharest took place, and the striking 
unanimity with which the dignified bearing of 
the Prince and his subjects was recognised both 
at home and abroad afforded Prince Charles much 
consolation during this critical period. 

From the GERMAN CROWN PRINCE, October l$lh, 1878. 

" You know that you were much in my thoughts 
during the Congress and afterwards, in the midst 
of that truly difficult period of negotiations about 
the cession of Bessarabia. But I purposely refrained 
from writing to you, because I did not know how I 
was to express myself in view of such events. 

" I was convinced that you would estimate the 
circumstances correctly, and be able to take 
matters as they are. The exchange of territory, 
however, hit you doubly hard, since only too 
many were anxious to throw suspicion on you 
for being an immigrant wanting in ' patriotic 


feeling.' Thank Heaven, the representatives of 
your country appear to have submitted with the 
necessary resignation, so that you have been 
relieved of a real trouble. May Roumania now 
speedily realise all the advantages which may 
still be drawn from the Dobrudscha, though it 
offers but little, and may the construction of 
bridges, canals, and ports mark a new era in your 
rule. If such undertakings succeed, a true substi- 
tute will have been found for all you have given 
up, and one day the advantage may perhaps be 
on your side. This is my heart's desire. 

Russia's conduct, after the manful service you 
did for that colossal Empire, meets with censure 
on all sides. I do not understand the importance 
which they attach to that piece of land. But 
they have scarcely got their way, when Russia 
begins to stir up a question about Afghanistan, 
which again threatens the peace, though for the 
present only in Asia ! As if enough blood had 
not been shed already. It is to be hoped that 
the good Ameer will listen to reason, but the 
general tension is nevertheless very great." 

Referring to the events of the last summer, the 


attempted assassination of the Emperor Wil- 
liam I., and his own Regency, the Crown Prince 
remarks : 

" My best thanks, though late, for your welcome 


and sympathetic letter in June. You felt with 
us what a heavy blow had fallen on us all, 
and rejoiced with us over the recovery of the dear 
Emperor, whom I found wonderfully well at Cassel 
and Baden. His freshness and mobility, his 
memory and spirits are completely restored. Yet 
those who see him daily, say that mental exertion 
still tires him easily, and that he is therefore 
very willing to avoid it. His resumption of official 
duties is thus postponed still further, so that I 
shall probably not be free from this burden until 
December on his return from Wiesbaden to 
Berlin! .... 

" A few days ago we bade farewell to Henry 
for two years. Seldom has a separation fallen so 
heavily on my heart as this. He proceeds round 
Cape Horn via Bio, and will then join his station 
in Japan. 

" William has just returned from England and 
Scotland ; he met Charlotte and Bernard in Paris, 
where they amused themselves immensely in the 
strictest incognito. . . . 

" My wife and I are tolerably well in spite of 
these troublous times, which in less than half a year 
have brought me a Peace Congress, marriages, 
special legislation, dissolution of the Imperial Diet, 
elections, and the execution of a death sentence. 
In all these events I see God's will that I should 
taste of everything that still is set before me. But 
it is not easy to exercise the rights and bear all 


the burdens of a monarch to the best of one's 
ability and conscience without taking the sole 

" To-morrow the Imperial Diet concludes its 
deliberations ; let us hope that the law against 
social democracy marks the commencement of a 
radical cure, by means of which this evil may be 
overcome. It will, however, cost us much pains 
before we can rid ourselves of this abortion, which 
has increased with such incredible rapidity since 
the teaching of this unhealthy society finds a 
ready market, and the attempted assassinations, 
which will now multiply still more, show the direc- 
tion taken by a misunderstood application. ..." 


" You can imagine how I have followed the 
march of political events. The consequence of 
the unhappy Peace of Berlin will probably be 
that we, i.e., the Russians, shall soon have to 
draw sword again. Should we then be comrades 
in arms once more ? Probably not ! 

" What do you think of Dondukow's doings ? 
Here in Jugenheim I am too far away to be able to 
form an opinion, and the papers contain nothing 
but lies ; the events in Bulgaria interest me 
greatly, as secret inquiries continue to reach me 
from time to time." 

The first ambassador to the Roumanian Court, 


Count Hoyos, was sent by Austria, an example 
soon followed by Turkey, and later on by Russia, 
who raised the rank of its representative first 
from Consul-General to Resident Minister, and 
then to Ambassador. In return, the Diplomatic 
Agents of Roumania in Vienna, St. Petersburg, 
and Constantinople were created Ambassadors. 
A very friendly understanding with Turkey was 
now initiated, and proved to be of great advantage 
to Roumania during the transactions of the Fron- 
tier Commission, which was presided over by the 
former State. In strict accordance with the pro- 
visions of the Treaty of Berlin, the frontier line 
was fixed close to the gates of Silistria, in spite of 
the immediate protests of the Russian Commis- 
sary, who succeeded in delaying a final settlement 
for a period of years. 

On November 26, 1878, the Roumanians pro- 
ceeded to take possession of the Dobrudscha, and 
were received with the greatest enthusiasm, to the 
surprise of the Austrian Emperor, whose experi- 
ence in Bosnia had led him to advise Prince 
Charles not to garrison the Dobrudscha with less 
than a Division. 

The first anniversary of Plevna was marked by 
the issue of a stirring Army Order by Prince 
Charles, who also exchanged warm congratula- 
tions by telegraph with the Czar and the Arch- 
duke Nicholas. 

Rumours in the Press pointed to the probable 


selection of Prince Alexander of Battenberg for 
the newly created throne of Bulgaria, whilst the 
selection of Prince Charles also received public 
support. In reply to his Ministers, who con- 
sidered that his candidature was desirable, Prince 
Charles remarked that the moment for such a 
step had passed. Not against, but only with the 
aid of Russia could such a candidature succeed ! 

Although the Chamber and Senate at first 
supported the speedy convocation of a Constitu- 
ante, months elapsed before the three readings 
took place in the Chamber before proceeding to a 
dissolution to allow the elections to take place. 

The third reading did not take place till April 5, 
1879, after Prince Bismarck had in a somewhat 
threatening manner requested to be informed 
when the Jewish question was to be settled. 
This question was transmitted through Austria- 
Hungary, the Roumanian representative in Berlin 
being passed over ! 

In addition to this pressing question of the 
Jewish franchise, the old trouble about the re- 
purchase of the Strousberg Railway Line was 
raised by Germany, which roundly declared that 
her attitude in future depended on this measure 
being carried out. 

The Prince of Roumania wrote to Prince Charles 
Anthony : 

" Although we wish to acquire the railway 


lines, we nevertheless feel hurt at this pressure. 
The Jewish question, and the purchase of the 
railways are two such important problems that 
they can hardly be grappled with simultaneously. 
Bleichroder's influence is evident in both affairs. 

" Our relations with Russia are no better, 
though Schuwaloff said to my Ambassador : ' I 
admit that we have committed many blunders 
with regard to you, but remember that you have 
done the same with us. We have no reason to 
quarrel ; on the contrary, at such a time we ought 
to be on the best footing.' 

" We have little hope that the question of the 
Dobrudscha frontier will be decided to our advan- 
tage, since Germany is quite on the side of 
Russia. Bismarck is the man who deters those 
Powers which are not yet in diplomatic connection 
with us. The proposal to recognise Servia pro- 
ceeded from Berlin to the other Powers, with the 
remark that a distinction must be made between 
one country that fulfils its obligations and another 
that seeks to avoid them ! " 

Prince Charles Anthony had already written as 
follows to his son in Februarv 1879 : 


" In spite of the completed cession of Bessarabia, 
Russia still appears to be hostile to you, and the 
remainder of Europe, including the German Empire, 
does not take up a resolute attitude against that 


Power. Every step taken by Roumania, conscious 
of her achieved independence, is hindered and 
opposed ! It would be desirable to put an end to 
your ominous Jewish question, if only to remove 
every pretext from the Powers." 

Again, a few months later : 

" There is nothing left for you but to carry 
through the Jewish question a tout prix, in spite 
of all the antipathies of the populace, and re- 
gardless of the mischievous nature of the whole 

The whole country, Moldavia in particular, was 
in a state of the greatest excitement, and on no 
occasion were the elections so largely participated 
in as those which preceded this Revising Chamber. 
Prince Charles, accompanied by the Crown Prince 
of Sweden, made a tour through Moldavia before 
the elections took place. The National festival, 
the 10th-22nd May, was celebrated with particu- 
larity and fervour in 1879. The Roumanian army 
presented a sword of honour to their sovereign, 
inscribed with the names of the victorious actions 
and the following dedication : "To the victorious 
leader in the War of 1877-78, from his grateful 
Army," and " Virtus Romana rediviva." 

The opening of the Revising Chamber was but 
the prelude to a summer of violent political 


struggles, which kept the national feelings at a 
dangerously high pitch of excitement. The 
Ministry would not lay definite proposals before 
the Chambers, but seemed anxious to allow the 
nation to take the lead in this vital question, 
whilst a strong current of public feeling advocated 
opposition to the demands of the Berlin Treaty. 


" In the event of an unsatisfactory solution, 
they are determined in Berlin to intervene by 
means of a Collective Note which will dictate to 
us what rights we are to concede to the Jews. 
Such a step would, of course, arouse national ex- 
citement, and only further increase resistance ; but 
this might become a great danger to the country 
apart from the humiliation which it includes. 
The question is whether execution would follow 
intervention, and what shape the execution 
would take ? Italy contents itself with the removal 
of Article VII. of the Constitution, and likewise 
England, with the naturalisation of a few Jews. 
Waddington, however, demands a radical solution, 
and Berlin insists on the re-purchase of the rail- 
ways under the conditions imposed by her bankers. 
The German Chancellor is opposed to us, and all 
the goodwill of the Emperor is of no avail." 

Prince Bismarck informed the Roumanian Go- 
vernment through Count Andrassy that he placed 


no confidence in their good faith, and that, in his 
opinion, Roumania was still a dependent State. 
In the event of her resisting the resolutions of 
the Berlin Congress he intended to treat with the 
Suzerain at Constantinople ! Count Andrassy 
in vain represented the difficulty of the Rou- 
manian situation, for Prince Bismarck was armed 
with the argument that he considered the 
honour of the German Empire pledged in this 
matter, whilst England proposed a Collective Note 
to be executed by the Austrian Cabinet. Yet, 
despite the threatening aspect of affairs, the Rou- 
manian Chambers became more and more obstinate, 
and refused to hasten a solution of the constitu- 
tional questions involved. 

The marriage of the Prince's youngest brother, 
Frederick, with Princess Louise of Thurn and 
Paris, took place at Regensburg in June 1879, and 
the German Emperor and Empress celebrated their 
golden wedding at Berlin. The same month, how- 
ever, brought the terrible news of the death of 
the unfortunate Prince Imperial, who had volun- 
teered for service with the British troops acting 
against the Zulus. In reply to Prince Charles' 
letter of sympathy the Empress Eugenie wrote : 

" CHISLEHURST, August IStk, 1879. 

" You recall to me the days of happiness, and 
by recurring to the present you share my illimitable 


" Everything has fallen from me, and only two 
tombs are left of all I loved. I rest near them, 
and here my isolation seems less great. I have 
known both extremes and the want of stability of 
human fortunes. We are wrong in not always 
fixing our eyes beyond this life on that one where 
nothing changes, and where we shall rejoin those 
whom we love to all eternity. 

" I beg that you will thank the Princess for the 
sympathy which my recent and overwhelming 
misfortune has elicited from in her. 


The death of the German Crown Prince's third 
son, Waldemar, at the early age of eleven, gave 
occasion to the following letter : 

" POTSDAM, July 27th, 1879. 

" Your kind and sympathetic letter, no less than 
Elisabeth's deeply touching verses, were very 
welcome to my poor wife and myself. You both 
feel with and for us, for God decreed a like trouble 
for you, and even though your fate was much 
harder, still we all have to bear the heavy destiny 
of surviving our children. 

" We endeavour to bear God's decree with 
resignation, but we cannot even now become recon- 
ciled to the loss of another son from the happy 
circle of our family, a son, too, who justified our 
highest hopes, and already displayed character at 


an early age. It is so difficult to accustom our- 
selves to everyday life without our most dearly 
loved child, for every step reminds us that he will 
never appear again, and that we must learn to live 
without our companion. 

"... Our life, which, moreover, has never been 
a tranquil one, had already become gloomy by the 
moving incidents of last year ; with this sorrow it 
has lost what remaining joy it still had to offer us, 
and we can only gather satisfaction from the exe- 
cution of our tasks and duties. 

" You very rightly lay stress upon the fact that 
such grief causes us more than ever to sympathise 
with others in their sorrow and to seek their 
society. Many other things are first apparent to 
us in our time of mourning, and it is certainly 
through the medium of this chastening that we 
are to be prepared for a higher calling, which 
appears dark and mysterious to dwellers on earth. 
It is not for us to inquire ' Why ? ' and yet we do 
so ; we are but human beings, to whom the work 
of Divine justice is hidden here, but will be made 
clear to us there." 

The chivalrous Prince Alexander of Battenberg, 
who had been elected Prince of Bulgaria, expe- 
rienced the greatest difficulties in taking over the 
reins of government, as the following letter shows : 

"I am now passing through the same stage as 


you did last year : devoted with my whole heart 
to the Czar Alexander, I am anxious to do 
nothing that can be called anti-Russian. Un- 
fortunately the Russian officials have acted with 
the utmost want of tact ; confusion prevails in 
every office, and peculation, thanks to Dondukow's 
decrees, is all but sanctioned. I am daily con- 
fronted with the painful alternative of having to 
decide either to assent to the Russian demands or 
to be accused in Russia of ingratitude and of 
' injuring the most sacred feelings of the Bul- 
garians.' My situation is truly terrible ; I reject 
everything opposed to my conscience, and there- 
fore have to write daily to the Czar in order to 
obtain a hearing before the calumnies of the 
Russian officials shall have had time to reach him. 
I will tell you everything shortly on the occasion 
of my visit." 

From ALEXANDER PRINCE OF BULGARIA, Aiigust 22nd, 1879. 

" A thousand thanks for your long and kind 
letter, the conferring of your Grand Cross, and the 
geniality with which you welcomed my Envoy. 
I have, it is true, never doubted your friendship, 
but to see it once more confirmed in this hand- 
some fashion has nevertheless made me very 
happy. I shall reply to Elisabeth's kind letter 

" Unfortunately I cannot pay you a visit before 
October, for I have so much to do that I cannot 


quit the country. All my Ministers are a little 
anxious, and I myself have more or less to decide 

" The solitude here is very great, but as at 
present I am busy from morning to night I feel it 
the less. The idea of marriage is antipathetic 
to me : I feel that I have no right to bring a wife 
to this lonely spot ; moreover, I do not want to 
bind myself, in order that, in the event of affairs 
turning out badly, my convictions may not be 
influenced by any external consideration. Every- 
thing will depend upon the first National Assembly. 
It is not easy to be Dondukow's heir. 

" With my whole heart I sympathise with you 
regarding the Jewish question. What a fatal 
thing it is for us all that the Great Powers have 
declared themselves Masters of the World ! 

"Although hostile to the Treaty of Berlin, I 
have nevertheless given it my complete adherence 
in my new position. I have conceived my mission 
from the European standpoint as far as possible, 
and allow the same law to apply to all. Con- 
sequently I sought to help the Mohammedans as 
much as possible, but utilised the moment to 
introduce universal service ; if the Mohammedans 
want to enjoy the advantages of all subjects, they 
must also bear the disadvantages. I am in every- 
thing the opposite of my predecessors ; I shall 
make fewer speeches, but work more, and the 
final result will, it is to be hoped, justify me. 


" If only the frontiers at least were settled ! 
So long as this is not the case there will be no 
peace in the country. (I do not thereby mean 
Arab-Tabia, but the South and West, where dis- 
turbances always take place.) Everything beyond 
this must be delivered verbally. 

" With many hearty greetings, 

"Your sincere 


During the course of the summer the unhappy 
Jewish question became " in truth a gigantic 
struggle," as Prince Charles informed his father : 

" Whilst the country considers me the defender 
of the rights of the Jews, the Foreign Powers 
complain that I do not champion them with suffi- 
cient energy. This reproach, however, affects me 
very little. There is only one path which can 
lead me to my goal, and that is laid down by the 

Owing to this struggle a modification of the 
Ministry became necessary towards the end of 
July, and M. Sturdza was sent to Berlin to lay 
the difficulties of the situation before Prince 
Bismarck, whilst Prince Charles Anthony turned 
to the aged Emperor William. 

From PRINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, July 24th, 1879. 
" Only a few words to-day to tell you that we 


saw the Emperor (William) in the Mainau the 
day before yesterday. He asked me to come to 
his room after dinner, when I at last found an 
opportunity of discussing Roumanian affairs and 
of commending you to his care. I can now tell 
you that I was greatly surprised and pleased 
with the Emperor's opinions, even though I must 
regretfully limit this favourable impression by the 
fact that the Emperor has certainly not been 
kept au courant with the situation. He at first 
ascribed the whole blame to England, who is 
urging the Jewish question with the greatest 
want of consideration, and from whose policy 
Germany cannot dissociate herself. 

" When I proved that the exact opposite was 
the case, and compared the constantly progressive 
moderation of England with the harsh attitude 
of Germany, which never has regard to circum- 
stances, the Emperor was highly astonished ; he 
would not believe it at all, and said that the 
Jewish question was entirely antipathetic to 
him ; that he was acquainted with similar circum- 
stances in Poland and Russia ; and that, if he 
had not been suffering from his wounds during 
the Berlin Congress, he would never have con- 
sented to the present extension of this question. 
In brief, I am convinced that the Imperial 
Chancellor did not consult the Emperor in this 
matter at all, or at least did not report it to him 


A few days later Prince Charles Anthony for- 
warded to his son a copy of a letter to the 
Empress, written by the Emperor at Gastein, 
July 25, 1879 : 

" With regard to Roumania I have, as you 
know, from the outset most strongly disapproved 
of the resolution of the Congress concerning the 
Jewish question, though only after the blow had 
fallen, since I was not at the head of affairs. 

" Since then I have, of course, only had to 
support the strict execution of the resolutions of 
the Congress, but I have demanded at every 
opportunity that no pressure be used in this 
matter, for I know by experience what the Jews 
are in those regions starting with Posen, Poland, 
Lithuania, and Volhynia and the Roumanian 
Jews are said to be even worse ! The whole 
Jewish question there has been championed so 
violently by England. Lord Odo Russell con- 
fessed as much to me in answer to my representa- 
tions, indicating at the same time by a gesture 
his disagreement with them. 

" I explained the attitude which I have adopted 
with regard to the Jewish question (on which 
the recognition of my cousin as an independent 
Sovereign depends) to the Prince of Hohenzollern, 
when he excitedly complained of the extreme 
severity of our note. I added, however, that I 
was not acquainted with the note in question. 


On my making inquiry, the latest document for 
Bucharest was only yesterday laid before me. It 
states that the Powers would be satisfied by the 
annulment of the restrictive article of the 
[Roumanian Constitution being recognised as a 
principle, leaving the decision as to the method 
of carrying it into effect to a later date, when the 
Ministry and Chamber have come to an agree- 
ment. When once this method has been accepted, 
nothing will impede the recognition of the Prince. 
I commission you to communicate this most 
exactly in Krauchenwies, and also add that I 
think that Charles of Roumania and his Ministry, 
which has just been changed, should accept this 
method ; the Chambers will then have to practise 

" You will remember that I always took the 
part of the Roumanian Government, whenever 
difficulties arose between Christians and Jews, 
whilst England invariably took the opposite side, 
because she sees a refined Rothschild in every 

Whilst the German Emperor thus roundly 
declared his interest in the Roumanian Sovereign, 
his Chancellor proved no less sympathetic towards 
M. Sturdza, at an interview which took place 
at Kissingen. Prince Bismarck admitted that 
the Berlin Congress had set Roumania a hard 
task, but remarked that the resolutions must be 


executed in their entirety. Germany was only 
demanding what France and Italy also wished in 
the matter of the Jews, of whom there were a 
large number crowded together in certain portions 
of the country. The Roumanians must open the 
war upon economic ground : work and save, found 
banks, &c. The Empire was anxious to maintain 
friendly relations with Roumania, although the 
latter had until recently treated Germany some- 
what cavalierly. The sympathy of the Roumanian 
nation with France, though perhaps only natural, 
had in the end annoyed Germany, and it was 
never wise to annoy anybody, least of all one who 
happened to be powerful. In order to ameliorate 
the existing relations, it was necessary that the 
railway question should disappear. 

" One must be acquainted with the commence- 
ment of this affair in order to realise its import- 
ance. No one can be blamed for it, neither we 
nor Roumania : the affair exists, and we must get 
rid of it with profit to both parties. 

" Our interest is considerable, since about one 
hundred million marks are invested there. These 
moneys must be rescued from a precarious situa- 
tion, in which it has often been the duty of the 
State to defend them, and on each occasion this 
has strained the relations between the two States. 

" This railway affair commenced with Dr. Strous- 
berg, who dragged the Silesian magnates into it, 
and with them all their friends and dependents 


were in turn involved. To-day we find amongst 
the bondholders of the Roumanian Railway Com- 
pany, lords and ladies, lackeys of the great 
houses, and even cabdrivers in a word, almost 
the whole of Berlin. Indeed, more than that, the 
King himself had to intervene to save a few of 
the Silesian magnates, when Strousberg could 
carry on no longer ! He then applied to Bleich- 
roder, who was, however, rich enough not to need 
to address himself to so involved a question. 
Nevertheless, he did so because he was asked, 
and also on account of the credit which it brought 
him. He has taken the matter in hand, and we 
are bound to support him. But the King has 
done even more than this. He has had to assist 
the great Silesian nobles out of his privy purse. 
It is, therefore, easy to understand that every 
one is anxious to escape from this painful situa- 
tion. You must, therefore, solve these two 
questions in order to enter the ranks of the 
Independent States. An independent Roumania 
will throw a heavy weight into the balance of 
Oriental questions. . . . Roumania has an area 
of 2500 square miles (German) and 6,000,000 
inhabitants. It might have 10,000,000 ; and how 
powerful it would be then." 

The Jews were admitted to the franchise on 
October 18, 1879, by an alteration of Article VII. 
of the Constitution, and over 900 Jews who had 


served with the colours in 1877-78 were imme- 
diately admitted to the rights of citizenship. 
Though the situation at one period became so 
critical that the German Empress sent a " quite 
confidential " warning that delay was fraught with 
danger, the demands of Germany in the matter of 
the railway purchase were satisfied three months 
later, and the independence of the Roumanian State 
was in consequence fully recognised by all the 
European Powers. 

To PKINCE CHARLES ANTHONY, February \\th, 1880. 

"Sandro* is in despair about the doings of the 
Panslavists, who are making his task uncommonly 
difficult ; had he only Bulgarians to deal with, he 
would get on easily enough. . . . He is determined 
to speak openly to the Czar Alexander about the 
Panslavonic and Nihilist agitation in Sofia. He 
returns to his capital at the end of March, when 
the newly elected National Assembly will be 
opened ; it is not much better than the former. 
So long as the Czar Alexander lives he will per- 
sonally exert a favourable influence in Bulgaria, 
but when he dies everything will be changed. I 
told Sandro, who has much confidence in me, that 
if he possesses enough strength to live down this 
period of suffering, he will be richly rewarded for 
his patience and endurance. But few, perhaps, 
have the patience that I had, and still have." 
* Prince Alexander of Bulgaria. 


During the stay of the Prince of Bulgaria in 
St. Petersburg an attempt was made by Nihilists 
to blow up the Winter Palace, but it failed owing 
to a mere chance. Prince Alexander of Hesse, 
the father of the Prince of Bulgaria, reached St. 
Petersburg later than was expected, and so caused 
the dinner to be postponed to a later hour. The 
explosion, which destroyed the dining-room, took 
place, therefore, whilst their Majesties were in an 

The English elections in March displaced the 
Conservative Ministry and summoned Gladstone 
to the head of the Government. About the same 
time Prince Charles despatched the President of 
the Ministry to Berlin, to hand the insignia of the 
Star of Roumania to the Emperor William, the 
Crown Prince, and Prince Bismarck. The last- 
named suggested that Roumania had claims to 
become a kingdom, but the opinion in Vienna was 
in favour of delaying this step. 


" Your relations towards Russia will grow excep- 
tionally difficult ; for, no matter how great the 
confidence one may place in the magnanimity of 
the Czar, the less can one trust his Government, 
looking impartially at the actions of their agents, 
who are actively propagating the views of the 
Panslavists in all directions, and are finally making 
it seem impossible for the Government to disavow 


and abandon their countrymen who have gone to 
such lengths. One would really think that Russia 
was large enough already, and that she had enough 
to do at home, and might leave her neighbours in 
peace. Bulgaria seems to me like a Russian 
province, which is only waiting for a hint to allow 
itself to be incorporated ; and Battenberg, even 
though he possessed ever so much foresight and 
determination, will hardly be able to steer against 
the Russian stream. 

" Our rapprochement and understanding with 
Austria last autumn was, no doubt, under the 
circumstances, a correct step, and has given the 
Czar's Empire something to think about. If we 
could only succeed in preventing France from 
forming the ardently desired alliance with Russia 
which has probably been postponed for some 
time we might then see favourable guarantees 
for peace everywhere. No one wants war, because 
all have much to do at home, and have enough to 
think over in the consequences of the last bloody 
war. Above all things, we Germans do not wish 
for war, since we gained far more by the last than 
we ever dared to hope for, and we anticipate no 
advantage from any extension. 

" Permit me to inform you and dear Elisabeth 
that the premature hints of the Press regarding 
the betrothal of my eldest son, William, to Victoria 
of Schleswig-Holstein, eldest daughter of the late 
Fritz of Schleswig-Holstein-Augustenburg, are 


quite true. Mutual and deep-seated inclination 
has brought the two together, and this fulfils the 
sincere wish of my wife and myself to greet as our 
daughter-in-law a Princess so distinguished by 
gifts of spirit, heart, and temperament, as well as 
by dignified grace. God grant that this union of 
hearts may one day be a blessing to the Empire." 

From the GERMAN EMPEROR, March 5th, 1880.* 


" At last we have arrived at the goal of 
our long-cherished wishes. It has cost many 
a hard and bitter struggle before we could see 
you standing independent before the world ! 
May the proverb come true which says, ' Slow 
but sure.' 

" I have never concealed the sympathy which I 
have always cherished for you alike personally 
and as a Hohenzollern ; but when many are striv- 
ing to the same goal and each goes his own way, 
time and sacrifices are required until they are at 
length all gathered together ! So I too have had 
to temporise in order to recognise you at last 
before the world. 

" May God give His blessing to your now inde- 
pendent Government and bless you, your consort, 
and your country ! 

" Your sincere Cousin and Friend, 

* Accompanying the Order of the Black Eagle. 


From PRINCE BISMARCK, May 20th, 1880. 

" I share your Royal Highness's regret that 
the acquisitions resulting from the peace, apart 
from the dissolution of the relations to the Porte, 
were not in proportion with the achievements and 
valour of your Royal Highness's army; but, having 
regard to the dignity and weight of the Powers 
by which Roumania is surrounded, and also to 
the difficulty of securing a modus vivendi amongst 
them, which would give us peace for the time 
being, I do not know of any possible means by 
which greater advantages could have been ob- 
tained for Roumania. 

" The difficulty of the historical situation is 
that on the far bank of the Danube there are no 
national points d'appui to strengthen Roumania, 
and, on the other side, the population belongs to 
the two great neighbouring Empires. To live 
in peace with these is necessary for the consolida- 
tion of affairs, and to select at least one of them 
as a certain ally will always be the object of 
Roumanian policy. In this historical situation 
the acquisition of the Dobrudscha was a pis-aller, 
whose favourable aspect the possession of the 
sea-coast will increase in value during the 
further development of your resources." 

In reply to his father, who urged him to fulfil 
his promise to return home after an absence of six 
years, Prince Charles wrote : 


" The still incomplete negotiations about the 
Arab-Tabia question will unfortunately cause a 
slight delay in our departure for abroad. The 
reason why the Powers delay so long in complet- 
ing a matter which has reached its last stage is 
unintelligible. In order partly to give way to 
Russia, they intend to grant Bulgaria a territorial 
compensation. An exchange of notes has arisen 
on this point, and we have directed our Am- 
bassadors to express the expectation that the 
frontier defined by the International Commission 
will be adhered to. However, in the end it will 
be Roumania quipayera lespots casses i.e., they 
will give us with one hand what they take away 
with the other ! " 

On July 29, 1880, the frontier was definitely 
fixed and sanctioned by the Powers, and though 
Roumania did not acquire all she had fought for, 
she nevertheless retained Arab-Tabia. 

At length, on August 10, the Prince and his 
consort quitted Roumania to enjoy a well-earned 
rest in Germany. On passing through Ischl, Prince 
Charles was appointed Colonel-in-Chief of the 6th 
Infantry Regiment by the Emperor of Austria. 
The Prince then rejoined his dearly loved parents 
at the Weinburg, and Princess Elisabeth proceeded 
to visit her mother. Visits were then paid to the 
Courts of Dresden and Berlin, where the Rouma- 
nian sovereigns received a hearty welcome. The 


German Emperor also appointed the Prince to the 
Colonelcy of one of his regiments the 1st Hano- 
verian Dragoons (No. 9). 

The beautiful autumn months at the Weinburg 
passed only too quickly, for the cares of State 
demanded the return of the Prince about the 
middle of October. After attending the Roumanian 
manoeuvres near Bucharest and Jassy, Prince 
Charles paid a visit to Rustchuk, where he was 
greeted with the greatest enthusiasm as the 
liberator of Bulgaria. 

The important question of the succession to 
the Roumanian throne had been fully discussed 
during Prince Charles's visit to Germany, with 
the result that the constitutional right of succes- 
sion of the Prince's brothers and their heirs was 
officially recognised by the princely House of 
Hohenzollern. This was effected by the exchange 
of letters, which were laid before the Chambers 
as soon as they assembled. A hearty vote 
of thanks rewarded the royal couple for their 
disinterested solicitude for the welfare of the 

The anniversary of Plevna was marked by a 
pleasant incident the presentation of a piece of 
statuary to Princess Elisabeth by the wives of 
the officers of the Roumanian army. The Princess 
herself was represented nursing a wounded 
soldier as an emblem of her noble activity during 
the terrible period of the war of 1877-78. 


Early in 1881 the Roumanian Ambassador in 
Berlin reported that the representatives of the 
Powers had all expressed their opinion that the 
time had come for Roumania to be created a king- 
dom. The Ministry wished to delay this solemn 
act till the day of the National Festival, May 22, 
but the ceremony was precipitated by an unfore- 
seen event. On March 13, Czar Alexander fell a 
victim to a Nihilist plot, and the Roumanian 
Opposition seized the occasion to accuse the 
Liberals of aiming at Republican and Anti- 
dynastic ideals. To refute this calumny effec- 
tually, the Liberal Ministry proposed the eleva- 
tion of the Roumanian Principality into the 
" Kingdom of Roumania," amidst the enthusiastic 
plaudits of Chamber and Senate. After the 
motion had been unanimously carried, the legis- 
lative bodies proceeded to the Palace, where 
Prince Charles attached his signature to the 
document in their presence with the following 
words : 

" This is a grand and solemn moment, in which 
the representatives of the nation approach me 
with a unanimous resolution of the legislative 
bodies. Herewith begins a new page in the 
volume of Roumanian national life ; here, too, 
ends a period full of struggle and difficulties, but 
full also of virile effort and heroic deeds. At this 
moment I repeat what I have so often said before : 


the wish of the nation is the guide and goal of 
my life. I have ruled this land for fifteen years ; 
I have been surrounded by the love and confi- 
dence of the nation ; this love and confidence 
have made the good days even brighter, and 
have strengthened and confirmed me during those 
which were evil. I was therefore proud to be 
Prince, and that title has been dear to me, round 
which the past has entwined glory and strength. 

" But Roumania thinks that it would be more in 
keeping with her position to proclaim herself a 
kingdom. I therefore accept the kingly title, 
not for myself personally, but for the aggrandise- 
ment of my count r}~, and to fulfil the long- 
cherished wish of every Roumanian. This title 
will not in any way alter the close bond which 
unites me to the nation by all that we have 
fought for and experienced together. 

" May the first King of Roumania enjoy the same 
love that has supported the last Prince through 
all his troubles ! The affection of this noble and 
brave nation, to whom I have devoted my whole 
existence, is more to me than all the greatness 
and brilliancy of a crown." 

This sudden and unexpected fulfilment of a 
long-cherished hope aroused the greatest enthu- 
siasm in every class of Roumanian society. The 
recognition of the new kingdom by the Great 
Powers followed very shortly, the reception of 


the news by the Emperor William being especially 
cordial. Prince Charles Anthony wrote : 

" The unanimity with which the kingly crown 
has been offered you is the surest foundation of 
your new and hard-won stability." 

The coronation of King Charles took place at 
Bucharest on May 10-22, 1881. In accordance 
with his wish, the royal crown of Roumania was 
fashioned of steel from a Turkish gun captured 
at Plevna, as a remembrance to all time of the 
achievements on the battlefields of Bulgaria, and 
of the fact that the new kingdom was not bound or 
hampered by old traditions, but looked forward 
to a great future springing from a vigorous 

The golden crown for the Queen was also 
fashioned in Roumania from a simple design, with- 
out jewels or ornaments. These crowns were 
consecrated by the Metropolitan in the presence of 
their Majesties, the Hereditary Prince of Hohen- 
zollern and his two sons, Ferdinand and Charles, 
and the ceremony was attended by delegates 
from every district in the kingdom, as well as by 
all corporations and other bodies. 

After this the crowns were carried in an un- 
ending coronation procession to the royal palace, 
where King Charles took the crown into his hands 
with these words : 


" I assume with pride this crown, wrought 
from a cannon sprinkled with the blood of our 
heroes, and consecrated by the Church ; I accept 
it as a symbol of the independence and power of 


THOUGH the years which followed 1881 have 
lacked the laurels of the battlefield and the in- 
tensity of the struggle for independence which 
characterised the earlier portion of Roumanian 
history under King Charles, they are no less 
remarkable for continuous and patient progress 
in the development of the resources of the king- 
dom. Herein, as in sterner matters, the King 
has borne the heat and burden of the day ; no 
one knew better that independence was but 
another milestone on the road to the ideal Rou- 
mania ; that the regeneration of a nation that 
had passed through such vicissitudes could only 
follow the unwearying labour of many years ; and 
that to this end the force of example the art of 
leading men, not the knack of driving them 
is of paramount importance. As sovereign of 
an independent State, King Charles felt that 
he had at last secured a firm basis from 
which the latent force of his country might be 
fully developed. That these efforts have not 
been fruitless is proved by the increase of the 


Roumanian Budget, despite the saying, tnensonge 
en chiffres ; for in twenty-five years, from 1866 
to 1891, the revenue increased more than three- 
fold (from 56,000,000frs. in 1866 to 180,000,000frs. 
in 1891). It was indeed fortunate for Roumania 
that King Charles was endowed with qualities 
which enabled him to appreciate the difficulties 
of peaceful development in the same way as he 
had met the dangers of war. It seemed to him 
now that his work had at last commenced in 
earnest ; his clear eye detected every shortcoming, 
though at the same time the future promised 
much to his gifted and industrious people. A 
great navigable river and the neighbouring sea 
offered elements for a greatly increased commerce, 
whilst the inexhaustible treasures of the soil, coal 
and iron, fulfilled the necessary industrial condi- 

In Roumanian politics, the Liberals remained in 
office till 1888 under Jon Bratianu, and aimed at 
a rigid centralisation of the Administration, whilst 
endeavouring to draw an increasing circle of the 
population into the arena of politics. The Con- 
servatives, on the other hand, could only see- 
the danger of extending Parliamentary influence 
through so politically immature a nation ; but 
up to 1891 they were unable to realise their 
ideals ; indeed, they barely succeeded in obtaining 
the permanency of the judges. Between these 
two extremes lay the sphere of duty of the con- 


stitutional monarch, the one stable element amid 
the fluctuations of the contending parties. The 
unwavering loyalty and devotion of the represen- 
tatives of the nation to their Sovereign have been 
inspired by the qualities with which nature has 
so richly endowed King Charles. Resolution, 
energy, a knowledge of human character, readi- 
ness to acknowledge and appreciate true indi- 
viduality a freshness of mind that the driest of 
routine work is powerless to dull, and a magnani- 
mous indulgence that is able to forgive if not 
forget these are the traits of character which 
never fail to exert their influence over all who 
come into contact with the King. 

The foreign policy of the kingdom has con- 
stantly had one aim and object in view to find 
support and aid from the great Teutonic Powers, 
though at times it seemed as if the religious 
tradition of the nation or the sympathy for the 
Latin sister nation were about to force the real 
interests of Roumania into the background. As 
a German prince, King Charles had recognised 
the supremacy of Prussia, and never doubted the 
power and force of the Teuton genius. The year 
1883 marked a decided advance in the friendly 
relations of Roumania with Austria and Germany, 
though the former had been estranged by the 
dispute about the Danube, and an outburst of 
Roumanian Chauvinism on the unveiling of a 
monument to the Moldavian Prince Stephen the 


Great, pointing to Bukowina and Siebenbiirgen 
as Roumanian provinces. On the whole. King 
Charles's policy has been successful, though loyal 
friendship has had much to bear from Germany's 
want of consideration in dealing with the Jews 
and the railways, as well as from Austria-Hun- 
gary, whose harsh measures against the Rouma- 
nians of Siebenbtirgen have forced many of the 
" brethren from over the hills " to seek shelter in 

A visit to Berlin in 1883 to act as godfather 
to Prince William's* second son afforded King 
Charles an opportunity of explaining the position 
of Roumania in European questions. The King 
also succeeded in convincing the Emperor of 
Austria that, though it was impossible to forbid a 
nation to cherish political aspirations, yet these 
sentiments had never entered into the schemes of 
the Roumanian statesmen. 

From the geographical situation of the kingdom 
it was only natural that the army should continue 
to receive the greatest attention from the King, 
who has never forgotten its willingness to follow 
where he led. King Charles does riot content 
himself with merely watching the training of his 
troops at the annual manreuvres, but keeps con- 
stant touch with every detail that may tend to 
promote the efficiency and standard of his army. 
Nor have the rival claims of education been 
* The present German Emperor. 


neglected by either King Charles or his consort, 
who are indefatigable in their efforts for the 
welfare of the national schools. 

The frequent change of Ministers was, however, 
prejudicial, since the various measures which they 
introduced were not long-lived indeed, in some 
instances were never put into execution ! Never- 
theless, the tendency to foster this valuable aid to 
true culture lost none of its force. King Charles 
devotes an annual sum to the Academy to assist 
in the production of an etymological dictionary in 
order to aid the study of the beautiful Roumanian 

The last link in the chain which bound the 
National Church to the Patriarchate of Constan- 
tinople was broken as long ago as 1882 ; the holy 
oil was consecrated in Roumania, and at last in 
1885 the Patriarch of Constantinople recognised 
the independence of the Roumanian Church. 

As early as 1881, twelve years after the first 
railway had been constructed by foreign hands, 
Roumanian engineers completed the first section 
of the State Railway from Buseu to Marascheschti, 
the want of which had made itself felt so bitterly 
in 1877. Even in the earliest days of his reign 
King Charles discussed with Ali Pacha the con- 
struction of a bridge over the Danube. 

At that date negotiations were entered into for 
a bridge between Giurgiu and Rustchuk, whilst 
after the Treaty of Berlin it was proposed to 


connect the two banks of the Danube below 
Silistria. Though this project was discussed by 
the Chambers in 1883, it was not till the autumn 
of 1890 that matters had progressed sufficiently 
to allow King Charles to lay the foundation- 
stone of the railway bridge at Feteschti, which 
was to unite the Dobrudscha to the mother 
country, and complete the iron chain between the 
North and Black Seas. 

King Charles has been a zealous builder; and, 
thanks to him, Roumania can boast of many a 
notable pile in Bucharest, Jassy, Crajowa, and 
elsewhere. Most noteworthy of all is the Royal 
Castle of Pelesch in the peaceful valley of Prahova. 
Built in the style of German Renaissance, it reveals 
the artistic ideal of its royal builder so far as 
stone and mortar can mirror the individuality of 
a man. Unlike so many castles, it is perfectly 
homogeneous ; in a word, Castle Pelesch is the 
product of King Charles's artistic taste and in- 
domitable will. 

The death of Prince Charles Anthony on June 2, 
1885, was a bitter blow to the King, who lost in 
him not only a devoted parent and friend, but a 
counsellor whose sage advice had sustained and 
strengthened him in many a dark hour. The 
passing away of the first German Emperor, fol- 
lowed too soon by that of his successor, Frede- 
rick III., was a great sorrow to King Charles, who 
was deeply attached to the devoted friends of his 


early youth, whose loyal friendship had never 
wavered for an instant. 

It was, therefore, a great solace to the royal 
pair to welcome Prince Ferdinand, the second 
son of the King's eldest brother, to Roumania as 
heir-apparent in 1889. Prince Ferdinand had 
already entered the Roumanian army as a sub- 
altern in 1886. 

The history of the other States of the Balkan 
Peninsula during these years is by no means so 
happy as that of Roumania. Prince Alexander of 
Bulgaria was forced by shameful intrigues to quit 
his adopted country within a year of a successful 
campaign with Servia, whose ruler also abdicated 
in favour of his son after endless and painful 

The present German Emperor has ably summed 
up the great work to which the scion of the Hohen- 
zollern House has devoted his life, in a letter to 
King Charles, in May 1891. 

" Five and twenty years have elapsed since 
your Majesty was first summoned to undertake 
the government of the Roumanian State, and a 
decade will have passed on the 22nd of this month 
since that memorable day on which your Majesty 
was able, after a regency victorious in war arid 
proved in peace, to receive a royal crown for 
Roumania and your illustrious house from God's 
altar by the unanimous desire of the Roumanian 


nation. Thanks to your Majesty's wise and 
vigorous rule over a richly endowed and sober 
nation, Roumania has become an equal and re- 
spected member of the Council of the Nations, and 
under your Majesty's sceptre every Roumanian 
can rejoice in the proud consciousness of belong- 
ing to a State which, as warden of an old-world 
civilisation, enjoys the sympathetic goodwill of 
all civilised nations. 

" Since our Houses are so closely connected, it 
is my heart's desire to express my warm con- 
gratulations to your Majesty on this joyful occa- 
sion, and also the hope that, as the bonds of our 
personal friendship, so also the firm political 
relations of Roumania to the German Empire, may 
be preserved in time to come such as they have 
been for past years under the enlightened govern- 
ment of your Majesty. 

"Your Majesty will place me under an obligation 
by laying my sincere congratulations before her 
Majesty the Queen, who has earned undying 
honour by your side in cultivating Art and the 
Ideal as well as in the formation of the Roumanian 


ABDUL Aziz deposed, 232. 
Abdul Hamid, 238. 
AH Pacha, 42, 116, 158. 
Alliance Israelite, 145, 151. 
Alphonso, King of Spain, 209. 
Amadeo, King of Spain, 187. 
Ambronn, Councillor, 131, 134. 
Andrassy, Count, 71, 188. 

Army : Command of, 258; insubordination, 253 ; manoeuvres, 
255, 261, 263 ; mutiny, 33; organisation, 257. 

BATTENBERG, Prince Alexander of, 313, 327; letter, 336; 

elected, 335 ; abdicates, 361. 
Bavaria, Prince Otto of, 80. 
Berlin Congress, 317. 
Bessarabia, 199, 317, 324. 
Beust, Count, 70, 86. 
Bismarck, Prince : Conversation with Prince Charles, 18 ; 

Col. Rauch, 23 ; Bratianu, 316 ; Sturdza, 341 ; 

letters on Russia, 63; Roumania, 73, 113, 168; 

railways, 139, 167; result of the war, 348 ; "honest 

broker," 309. 
Bratianu, 11, 28, 312, 318, 356. 

364 INDEX 

Bucharest : Riots, 35, 122; Jockey Club, 212 ; Commission, 6. 
Bulgarian Massacres, 238 ; raid, 66 ; throne, 329. 

CHARLES ANTHONY, Prince : Character, xi. ; letters on 
France, 46 ; Germany, 49, 164, 185, 338 ; Spanish 
Throne, 79, 93, 94, 101 ; abdication of Prince 
Charles, 120; railways, 138, 165; Jewish Question, 
149; Church Question, 214, 217; Eastern Question, 
226, 233, 243 ; war of 1877, 270 ; result of the war, 
298 ; Dobrudscha, 309 ; death, 360. 

Cogalniceanu Jewish Question, 151 ; Russian Treaty, 249. 

Cotroceni, 158, 197. 

Cremieux, 145. 

Crete, insurrection, 52, 57, 59, 65. 

Crimean War, result of, 6. 

Czar Alexander, letter, 56 ; on Roumania, 315 ; in Bucharest, 
270 ; assassinated, 351. 

DANUBE, Commission, 260; crossing of, 272. 
Denmark, war with, xvi. 
Dobrudscha, 309, 330, 360. 

Dondukof-Korsakoff, Prince (Governor-general of Bulgaria in 
1878), 327. 

ENGLAND, visit to, 201; attitude of, 71, 233; and Russia, 

307, 315. 
Eugenie, Empress, letter, 333. 

FERDINAND, Prince, 361. 
Feteschti, bridge at, 360 
Flanders, Count of, 9. 
France, ill-feeling of, 58, 62, 67, 79. 
Franco-Russian Alliance, 61. 
Furceni Camp, 258. 

GLADSTONE, W. E., 53. 
Gordon, Charles, 260. 

INDEX 365 

Gornji-Dubnik, 289. 

Gortchakoff, Prince, 33 ; Jewish Question, 153 ; before the 

war of '77, 239 ; confidence of, 270 ; on Bessarabia, 

304; threats of, 312. 
Greece, draft treaty, 81. 
Grivitza Redoubt, xxviii, 284, 289. 

HAGENS, Captain, xiv. 

Hohenlohe, Prince, 49, 86. 

Hospodars, 1. 

Hungary, agitation in relations with, 70, 140, 357 

IGNATIEFF, General, 57, 106, 305. 
Imeritinski, Prince, 286. 

JEWISH persecution, 148; denied, 153; financiers, 179; 

emancipation, 318, 344; congress, 153. 
Journey to Roumania, 27. 

KBENSKI, Colonel von, 69, 76, 258. 
Kusa, Prince, 7, 9. 

Lieutenance Princiere, 5, 9. 
Livadia, visit to, 83. 

MARIE, Princess, birth, 103, 180 ; illness and death, 192. 

Ministries : Catargiu, 32 ; Ghika, 38 ; Cretzulesku, 53 ; 
Golesku, 58 ; D. Ghika, 70 ; Golesku, 91 ; Lepureanu, 
96; Ghika, 113; Catargiu, 125; Floresku, 229 
Lepureanu, 231 ; Bratianu, 237. 

Miquel, Dr., 151. 

Moldavia, journey through, 40, 78, 155. 

Moltke, Count, 261. 

Montefiore, Sir M., 148. 

Montenegro, 237. 

Miiller, Max, 202 ; letter, 208. 

Murad, Sultan, 232. 

366 INDEX 

NAPOLEON III., visit to, xvi., 88; letter on Jewish Question 

147 ; death, 185. 

Napoleon, Prince, visit to Bucharest, 88. 
Nelidow, M., 242, 267. 

Nicholas, Grand Duke, telegram, 275 ; urges attack, 280 
Nikopoli bridge, 291. 

OMAR Pacha, 57. 

Osman Pacha, 272, 291, 293. 

PARIS Conference, 9. 

Pelesch, Castle, 159, 360. 

Phanariots, 2. 

Piteschti riot, 96. 

Plevna, 269 ; first action, 273 ; second action, 275 ; bombard- 
ment, 281. 

Plojeschti riots, 96, 102 ; Russian headquarters, 269. 

Poradim Roumanian headquarters, 279. 

Portugul, visit to, xv. 

Prussia, Crown Prince of : Letters on Germany, 169, 182, 
192, 220, 325; Eastern Question, 232, 241; Russia, 
324, 347; death of Princess Marie, 194; of Prince 
Waldemar, 324. 

RADOWITZ, Consul-General, 113, 123. 

Railways: Ofenheim concession, 130; Strousberg, 131; pay- 
ment stopped, 108 ; repurchased, 329 ; collision, 215. 
Rauch, Colonel, 13, 23, 24. 
" Roumania, Star of," instituted, 268. 

SCHOOLS, 160. 

Servia : Prince Michael, 65 ; Prince Milan, 199 ; extravagance, 

208; war with Turkey, 229-237. 
Sinaja, 158. 

Spain, candidature for throne of, 69, 92, 97, 90. 
Skobeleff, General, 281, 284, 289, 291. 

INDEX 367 

Strousberg, Dr., 131, 135, 342. 

Sturdza, M. : Report on Servia, 206 ; conversation with 
Bismarck, 341 ; mission to Turkey, 41 ; to Berlin, 338. 

TODLEBEN, General, 285. 

Treaty of Balta Liman, G ; with Servia, 61 ; of San Stefano, 

Turkey, journey to, 43 ; war declared, 265. 

VICTORIA, Queen, 51. 
Vienna Exhibition, 189. 

WALES, Prince of, 167. 

Werner, Councillor von, 26. 

Widin, bombardment of, 268. 

Wied, Princess Elizabeth of, 87, 88 ; marriage, 90. 

William I., Emperor : letter on Roumania, 15 ; Jewish 

Question, 172, 341. 
William II., Emperor, letter, 361. 

YPSILANTI, Prince, 71. 

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